Some would have Western nations rely on the Sufis to repel more hard-core Islamists in Somalia, and possibly form a moderate Islamic government. Critics say that in an environment where demagogues use religion to conceal their true political and material ambitions, establishing another official, "preferred" theological ideology won't diminish their influence.
Initial Reluctance and Denial
The term “Sufi fighters” should be an oxymoron. Sufi Muslims are usually peaceful and avoid combat. Their form of Islam is known to stress tolerance, mysticism and a personal relationship with God, not violent jihad. In the past year, however, events in Somalia caused one group of Sufis to pick up arms.
In November and December of 2008 the Shabaab, (a hardline offshoot of the ICU which opposes the government) shot dead several Sufi students and tore apart Sufi shrines. Shortly afterwards, reports indicated that the Sufi group Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jamee'a had successfully battled the Shabaab in Guri El. Guri El is a fairly substantial commercial town in the Galbadud region, which borders Ethiopia. One week after the battle, however, the lead spokesman for Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jamee’a told reporters that the group was not involved in any fighting.
"The fighting in Guri El was between brothers, and Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jamee'a was not involved," Sheikh Abdulkadir Somow said.
Striking a conciliatory tone, Sheikh Somow called on Islamist groups to "stop fighting each other," and appealed to then Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf and Prime Minister Nur Adde to "resolve differences."
By January 2009, however, the Sufi leaders were acknowledging their victory in battles against the Shabaab insurgents in Galgadud. "We killed dozens of the attackers, including their commander, we have also seized most of their weapons that they abandoned in fear," said Sheikh Abdullahi Abu Yusuf, spokesman for Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jamee'a.
Local Heroes
At the same time, self-proclaimed “insiders” accused Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jamee'a of being led by warlords funded and armed by Ethiopia. Perhaps these accusations were (unsuccessful) attempts to counter the local support that the Sufi group enjoys.
“We see the Sufis as part of us,” said Elmi Hersi Arab, an elder in the battered central Somalia town of Dusa Marreb, also in Galgadud. “They grew up here.”
In that town, the Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jamee'a have benefited from deep-seated anti-Shabaab sentiment. Dusa Marreb was under the control of the Shabaab for the better part of 2008, a period that residents describe as a reign of terror. They claim that the Shabaab assasinated more than a dozen village elders and even beheaded two women selling tea. When in December the Sufis managed to drive the Shabaab out of Dusa Marreb altogether, they became local heroes in the Galgadud region.
The Ahlu Sunnah continue to earn their reputation. In early June 2009, the group fought Shabaab forces along with allied fighters from the Hezb al-Islamiya group who tried to regain control of the village of Wahbo, near the Ethiopian border. Athough both sides suffered heavy losses, and it was reported that neither side controlled the contested village, the Ahlu Sunnah have not by any means admitted defeat. The government’s recent request for their alliance indicates that they are still a force to be reckoned with.
The rarity of Muslims rising up to fight fellow Muslims points to the relatively recent shift in the conflict in Somalia from regional or family to religious lines. One Sufi student of Islamic philosophy saw the persecution of Sufis by the more radical Shabaab as the crossing of line in the religious status quo. “We had never told the Shabaab how to worship,” he said. “But now we were under attack.”
In May 2009, a Somali named Hassan Farrah wrote an op-ed piece on Somali news site Wardheernews.com that denigrated the Shabaab. “Their myopic way of thinking lacks the basic understanding of comprehensive Al-Shari’ah. Do you really believe that Al-Shabab is willing and able to provide the above services to its subjects in Kismayo and other cities in Southern Somalia? The answer is clearly no! They are indeed cowards who are afraid of tackling economic challenges and other major humanitarian problems facing the inhabitants under their jurisdiction. Therefore, it is easy for them to chop the hands of poor people and to call this an implementation of the Al-Shari’ah.”
There is little precedent for more moderate Muslims fighting radical Muslims, and no one seems sure where it will lead. “We’re on terra incognito,” said Rashid Abdi, an analyst at the International Crisis Group, a nonprofit group that tries to prevent deadly conflicts. “Before, everything was clan. Now we are beginning to see the contours of an ideological, sectarian war in Somalia for the first time, and that scares me.”
Looking for Solutions that Suit Somalia
After so many years of conflict, Somalians long for peace, normalcy, and some kind of rule of law. Yet, like the Western leaders who try to aid one side or another, they do not agree on how to achieve those goals. Some hope that a Sufi-led government would be moderate in its application of Islam, since Sufism, in their opinion, is more congruent with Somali traditions than the Wahhabi Islam espoused by the Shabaab. Wahhabism (also know as Salafism) calls for strict application of sharia law, including separation of the sexes and harsh punishments like amputations and stonings. (In June 2009, Shabaab henchmen chopped off the right hand and left foot of four thieves in front of a crowd of 200 people in Mogadishu.)
For centuries, Somalis have practiced a traditional, elder-mediated form of justice called xeer, which, though very different from Western norms, is much milder than the Wahhabi form of sharia. In xeer, each member of a clan’s diyah or lineage group is responsible for the crimes committed by anyone else from his group. Although its origins are probably pre-Islamic, xeer upholds the basic tenets of Islamic law. Despite its imperfections and partial ineffectiveness, xeer is still seen by many as preferable to strict sharia. "Xeer will never stop being used," said Dahir Mohamed Grasi, an elder in the town of Garowe for the past 46 years.
Centrism is a Relative Concept
While some turn to traditional solutions, many Somalis have put their hope in the current government. On January 31, 2009 Islamist leader Sheikh Sharif Ahmed was elected Somalia's president, leaving him in charge of a fragile peace process aimed at ending 18 years of civil conflict.
"Very soon, I will form a government which represents the people of Somalia," he said at the time.
Sheikh Sharif, who chairs the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), was once considered a radical Muslim by the Ethiopian forces who ousted him and essentially defeated the ICU in January 2007, with the help of the US. In two short years, the situation has completely turned on its head. Ethiopian troops achieved little progress and eventually had to pull out of Somalia, according to the terms of the UN-sponsored accord of October 2008. In their absence, more radical Islamic groups, such as the Shabaab have prospered in Somalia, so much so that Sharif, once called a radical, is now seen as a centrist.
Where does this leave Somali civilians? Neither traditional structures nor any current political entity can claim to exercise established authority over the entire nation. Upon being elected, Sheikh Sharif vowed to reach out to the former transitional government as well as to the Shabaab. But the Shabaab rejected the new president’s olive branch and refused to enter into talks with the government. Now Sheikh Sharif he has asked the Sufi fighters to throw in their lot with the government, hoping that they will prove an effective ally. Yet their alliance, and the use of one Islamic group against another is sure to draw even more fire from all those who oppose the government.
Ominous Signs
In April 2009, Islamist opposition leader Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys returned to Somalia from Eritrea after two years in exile. Speaking to supporters in Mogadishu, Sheikh Aweys described the government of his former friend and ally President Sharif as being appointed by the enemies of Somalia. One of the founders of the ICU, Sheikh Aweys sees Sharif’s inclusiveness as a form of betrayal.
“Mr Sharif’s government was not elected by the Somali people and it is not representing the interests the Somali people,” he said. While the US labels Sheikh Aweys a terrorist, many in Somalia consider him to be the spiritual leader of all Islamist groups, and he is counted a major powerbroker in the nation. So who he chooses to align himself with matters for the future of Somalia and the fate of Somali civilians.
It does not bode well that Sheikh Aweys bitterly opposes the presence of African Union Mission (AMISOM) peacekeeping troops in Somalia. The AMISOM peacekeepers were sent in when Ethiopian troops withdrew back in the end of 2008. Aweys described the troops as “bacteria” who should leave or he would fight them. Local news agency, Garoweonline, reports that Islamist rebels have vowed to continue attacks until all foreign troops withdraw from the country and Islamic law is restored across Somalia. Such battles could prove terribly costly to non-combatant Somalis, as well.
Who will wrest control of Somalia? Will it be the hard-line proponents of sharia law, the Sufi moderates, or some foreign proxy? While Ethiopian troops wait on the borders and formerly peaceful Sufis wield arms, the lives of over eight million Somali civilians hang in the balance.
Sources: New York Times, AFP, Garowe Online, Sufi News & Sufism World Report, Al Jazeera English, Awdal News Network, Christian Science Monitor, Legal Affairs.org, Al Arabiya, Free Press International
