This issue of GPN is being published as a blog until construction of our website is completed. The website will include a much stronger search capacity, as well as other features. When it is completed, we will also publish this issue on it so that all contents of GPN are included in future searches.

Remember to click on Older Posts at bottom of each page to see the rest of the issue.


Thursday, February 18, 2010

Welcome to the Inaugural Issue of Genocide Prevention Now

This first issue of GPN is being published as a blog until construction of our website is completed. The website will include a much stronger search capacity, as well as other features. When it is completed, we will also publish this issue on it so that all contents of GPN are included in future searches.

Remember to click on Older Posts at the very bottom of each webpage in the blog to see the rest of the issue. There are 3 older posts in this issue or a total of 4 groups of posts. Please note also that, in case your displays are too small if you print them out, you can adjust the size of the font by going to View on your computer and adjusting text size.

GPN is a "web-mag" (website-magazine) that strives to present information and analyses of genocidal processes along with information about the developing field of genocide studies around the world.

Our foremost goal is to assist in the prevention --or reduction of the toll-- of genocide, without being overly innocent or naive about the frequency of mass killing and its unfortunate natural construction in our human condition.

We welcome you as regular readers. We will be publishing "issues" of the "web-mag" on a regular basis that will increase over the coming months as we consolidate our initial organization. We also welcome your becoming an Affiliate of GPN. See the sign-up form. Registered Affiliates of GPN will enjoy:
  • Active identification with the purposes of GPN Genocide Prevention Now and official membership in its network
  • Preliminary e-mail announcements of forthcoming new issues of GPN and their contents
  • Priority review of submitted manuscripts for possible publication in GPN
  • Authorization to participate in interactive Talkback features of GPN as they are introduced.

We very much welcome your suggestions, comments and criticisms, and we will be working towards introducing Talkback features in GPN.

Best wishes,

Israel
Israel W. Charny, Ph.D., Executive Director of GPN and Editor-in-Chief

Elihu
Elihu D. Richter, M.D., M.P.H., Editor and Director of GPN WORLD GENOCIDE SITUATION ROOM

Marc
Marc I Sherman, M.L.S., Editor and Director of GPN HOLOCAUST AND GENOCIDE REVIEW

David
David Lisbona, MBA, GPN Director of Development
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Monday, February 15, 2010

GPN Blog TABLE OF CONTENTS - Issue 1: February 2010

Quotable:

MAN TO GOD:
“Can you be a little bit more humane, and then can I be a little more godly.”
From the Libretto by Samuel Pisar to Symphony No. 3 by Leonard Bernstein, “KADDISH”


On January 6 2010, Irwin Cotler released a new international resolution that calls on governments and the UN to take immediate and massive diplomatic and economic action against Iran.

  

Should there be laws against denials of genocides? Americans and Europeans see the issue very differently.


One of the earliest pioneers of Holocaust studies, from a Christian-theological point of view, and moving to a universal concern with genocides of all people.
In Memoriam – Franklin H. Littell: A Christian Pioneer of Holocaust Studies


Some follow-up on whether an ICC conviction on genocide makes a difference in the real world of Africa—and in our larger world—today.
Sudanese President Omar Hassan Ahmad Al-Bashir’s Travel Days Aren’t Over


The USA takes on a new commitment to stop genocide in the world at large: Genocide Prevention Task Force directed by Former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and Former Secretary of Defense William Cohen Delivers Blueprint for U.S. Government to Prevent Genocide and Mass Atrocities
"Preventing Genocide: A Blueprint for U.S. Policymakers"
Madeleine K. Albright and William S. Cohen








Iranian hate language and incitement against Israel has varied in frequency and intensity over time, but at its base includes brazen threats to wipe Israel off the map.
Elihu D. Richter MD, MPH and Alex Barnea

Teheran's Genocidal Incitement against Israel
This article was prepared for GENOCIDE PREVENTION NOW (GPN), and because of its immediate importance was pre-published with our permission in Middle East Quarterly [ Richter, Elihu D., and Barnea, Alex (2009). Teheran’s genocidal incitement against Israel. Middle East Quarterly, 16(2), 45-51.]

For anyone concerned about the issue of genocide, a look back at the first half of 2009 and all of 2008 is bound to produce as much frustration as it does hope. The year and a half 2008-2009 saw a number of both positive and negative developments in regards to the prevention and intervention of genocide, some of which may well have a lasting impact.

  


The threat [to Israel’s existence] is dramatized by parading in the streets of Teheran a Shihab-3 missile draped in the words “Wipe Israel off the map” while assembled thousands are exhorted to chants of “Death to Israel.”

   


Not all hope is lost. The apprehension and punishment of certain génocidaires and resolutions, reports and scholarly reminders of the world's revulsion, weariness and resolve to eradicate genocide suggest we may be headed in the right direction.

Gregory S. Gordon  

What will history say? The government of Armenia has proposed entering into an agreement with Ankara, but a large number of Armenians, especially in the U.S., are adamantly opposed. Harut Sassounian is a stalwart leader of the Armenian people who is strongly opposed. The U.S. State Department, with the historical background of repeated refusals by American governments to recognize the Armenian Genocide, is in favor.
Historic and Controversial Armenia-Turkey Protocols Signed


Harut Sassounian’s Column
Turkish Officials Admit to Playing Games With Protocols

 



“Forgery!” No significant documentation of the Armenian Genocide has escaped a glib claim by Turkish denialists that it is a forgery, including the British Government’s famed Blue Book.
Gomidas Institute Takes Armenian Genocide Debate to Ankara



HOLOCAUST AND GENOCIDE REVIEW INFORMATION RESOURCES
Here's where you can find these great resources:

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Sunday, February 14, 2010

Irwin Cotler Releases Petition to Act Against Iran's Genocidal Incitement

  
The Danger of a Nuclear, Genocidal and Rights-Violating Iran:
The Responsibility to Prevent Petition
On January 6 2010, Irwin Cotler released a new international resolution that calls on governments and the UN to take immediate and massive diplomatic and economic action against Iran. The petition is entitled The Danger of a Nuclear, Genocidal and Rights-Violating Iran. Cotler presents the case for indicting Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, President of the Islamic Republic of Iran, for his incitement to genocide, human rights abuses, promotion of terror, and development of nuclear weapons in violation of UN Security Council Resolutions.

At a press conference in Jerusalm, Cotler accused the Iranian government of violating international law regarding nuclear weapons development, incitement to genocide, state-sponsored terrorism and human rights. Other speakers at the press conference included Harvard University law professor Alan Dershowitz, who spoke from the US, British MP Denis MacShane who spoke from London, Bassam Eid, executive director of the Palestinian Human Rights Monitoring Group, and Prof. Suzanne Stone of the Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law. The petition includes a "road map" of sanctions and remedies that the world should apply against the Iranian government to force it to cease its alleged violations of international law.

Professor Irwin Cotler, a member of the Canadian Parliament and a former Attorney General of Canada, is one of the world’s leading experts and practitioners of human rights law. He has served on the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and its Sub-Committee on Human Rights and International Development, as well as on the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights. In 2000, he was appointed Special Advisor to the Minister of Foreign Affairs on the International Criminal Court.

He has defended dissidents and prisoners of conscience, most notably Andrei Sakharov and Natan Sharansky, Jacobo Timmerman, Said-Eddin Ibrahim from Egypt, Nelson Mandela from South Africa, Maher Arar and others. In Israel, he has been a spokesman for the immigration rights of the Falashamura.

"For sanctions to be effective," Cotler said, "What is needed is the will to act, and what has been absent so far has been political will with respect to each of the threats." Dershowitz warned that "today is a true test of whether international law will survive and whether the rule of law will prevail... This is the time. This is the moment in which the international community must act to prevent genocide." The speakers stressed that taking action against Iran was not an option but an obligation of the international community. Neither Cotler nor Dershowitz ruled out the possibility of military action against Iran, but said that, before reaching that point, all peaceful attempts to curb the Iranian government must first be tried.

"Iran has already committed the crime of incitement to genocide," said Cotler. "We do not have to wait and should never wait for the actual beginning of atrocities before taking action."

Cotler is travelling all over the world to discuss his call for sanctions with various world leaders. Recently, he has visited Austria and Germany, and he said he planned to put special emphasis on 13 countries, including South Africa, the US and Canada, which have a special connection to the issue. He said his own political party in Canada, the Liberal Party, had endorsed the petition and that the Canadian parliament was due to release a statement on the matter. Others who have signed the petition to date include Per Ahlmark, former deputy prime minister of Sweden; Kamal Hossain, former minister of justice and minister of foreign affairs of Bangladesh; John Turner, former Canadian prime minister; author Elie Wiesel; Romeo Dallaire who was the UN Commander in Rwanda; Gregory Stanton, former president of the International Association of Genocide Scholars; and Sein Win, prime minister of the Burmese government in exile. A full list of signators will be found in the linked pdf text of the resolution. GPN will be reporting on further signators to the petition in coming issues.

The Cotler petition extends and expands previous briefs prepared by Justus Weiner of the Jerusalem Center of Public Affairs and Gregory Gordon of University of North Dakota. GPN believes that the petition serves as a template for advancing the temporal locus of action based in genocide law from proof of intent after the event to deterrence based on predict and prevent before the event. The petition draws on the Genocide Convention, the Nuremberg Trials, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, and the Rwandan precedents for prosecuting incitement to genocide.

The Cotler resolution was widely reported in the world press.

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Holocaust Denial Laws and Other Legislation Criminalizing Promotion of Nazism


Michael J. Bazyler
Professor of Law
Professional affiliation at time of original work:
von Oppenheim Research Fellow International Institute for Holocaust Studies, Yad Vashem
and Whittier Law School, California, USA.
Currently at Chapman University Law School, California, USA.


This paper was originally presented at a lecture to Yad Vashem. The original version appears on the Yad Vashem website.

I. Introduction

As a result of the enormous suffering inflicted upon the world by the Nazi regime, and especially Europe, a number of European countries have enacted laws criminalizing both the denial of the Holocaust and the promotion of Nazi ideology.

The aim of these laws is to prevent the resurrection of Nazism in Europe by stamping out at the earliest opportunity – or to use the phrase “to nip it in the bud” – any public reemergence of Nazi views, whether through speech, symbols, or public association.

Individuals and groups today promoting Nazism, often called neo-Nazis, do not limit their ideology to just anti-Semitism. Part and parcel of their message also involves hatred of other minority groups, most often individuals of African, Arab and Asian descent, and immigrants from non-European nations.

As a result, a number of the European laws banning neo-Nazi messages also ban racist and hate speech. Some also criminalize the denial of other genocides, most prominently the genocide of the Armenians.

The anti-Nazi laws do not exist in every European country. Presently, the following European countries have some legislation criminalizing the Nazi message, including denial of the Holocaust: Austria, Belgium, the Czech Republic, France, Germany, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Spain and Switzerland. Holocaust denial is also illegal in Israel.

Some of these countries, like Germany and Austria, take these laws very seriously and vigilantly prosecute both speech and behavior having any reference to Nazis and Nazism. Others, like Lithuania and Romania, despite laws on the books, enforce them sporadically.

A last set of countries put a higher value on free speech over suppression of neo-Nazism and freely allow promotion of the Nazi message. In these countries, freedom of the press and freedom of speech are vehemently upheld even to the detriment of other rights. These countries include the United Kingdom, Ireland and the Scandinavian nations.

In 2005, the European Union considered enacting common rules banning or restricting the use of Nazi symbols and promotion of Nazi ideology, including Holocaust denial. However, the EU’s Executive Commission eventually recommended against such EU-wide legislation, noting that it would be "unwise" to seek a ban across the 25-nation bloc, citing the differing views in the countries involved.

One example of the disparity in European laws dealing with promotion of Nazi ideology concerns the availability of Hitler’s notorious autobiography, Mein Kampf [My Struggle]. Officially, Mein Kampf cannot be purchased in Germany, Hungary, Israel, Latvia, Norway, Portugal, Sweden and Switzerland, but the book is readily available in Russia, Romania, the United States and the U.K.

In the United States, the First Amendment protects the freedoms of speech, press and association; such guarantees prohibit suppression of the Nazi message. As a result, neo-Nazi parties are completely legal (just like during the Cold War years, the Communist Party of the United States was allowed to exist) and their anti-Semitic and racist messages are protected by the Constitution. The only limitation on such speech, according to the Supreme Court, are calls for immediate violence.

It should also be noted that a multilateral human rights treaty to which 160 countries are parties, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, obliges member nations to pass domestic legislation prohibiting advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred. As a result, countries that do not specifically criminalize denial of the Holocaust do prosecute individuals who promote hate speech. The line dividing these two types of conduct – Holocaust denial and hate speech – is murky and individuals engaging in Holocaust denial usually do so in the context of making Jew-hating statements. These individuals are then prosecuted for violating hate speech prohibitions.

II. Western European nations with laws banning denial of the Holocaust and promotion of anti-Semitic and racist speech

Let me discuss two representative Western European countries with Holocaust denial laws – Germany and France – and set out how these laws are applied in these two countries.

A. Germany

1. The Law

In the aftermath of World War II, the National Socialist Party (the Nazi party) of Germany was considered a criminal organization and therefore banned. The International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg in 1946 likewise ruled that the Nazi Party was a criminal organization.

German law, however, does not just stop at banning the Nazi Party. As part of efforts to overcome its Nazi past, Germany has criminalized denial of the Holocaust and also banned the use of insignia related to Hitler's regime and, as mentioned above, written materials or images promoting the Nazi message.

Section 130 of the German Penal Code prohibits denial or playing down of the genocide committed under the National Socialist regime (§ 130.3), including through dissemination of publications (§ 130.4). This includes public denial or gross trivialization of international crimes, especially genocide/the Holocaust.

The law has been amended a number of times since its initial passage in 1985.

In 1985, Holocaust denial was outlawed as an ‘insult’ to personal honor (i.e. an ‘insult’ to every Jew in Germany) and a penalty was set under the 1985 law of up to one year in prison or a fine.

In 1994, Holocaust denial became a criminal offense under a general anti-incitement law. The law states that incitement, denial, approval of Nazism, trivialization or approval, in public or in an assembly, of actions of the National Socialist regime, is a criminal offense. The 1994 amendment increased the penalty to up to five years imprisonment.

It also extended the ban on Nazi symbols and anything that might resemble Nazi slogans.

A special clause in Article 130 provides for community service for offenders under eighteen years of age.

The sale of Hitler’s notorious autobiography, Mein Kampf [My Struggle], is also banned in Germany and in a number of other European countries occupied by Nazi Germany, as will be discussed later.

2. Recent applications

The German anti-Nazi law is strictly interpreted. For example, a German man went on trial in September 2006 for displaying Nazi symbols including swastikas even though he was campaigning against far-right extremism - the swastikas had lines drawn through them representing rejection.

State Prosecutor Bernhardt Häussler urged a Stuttgart state court to fine Jürgen Kamm, owner of a mail order company that sells anti-Nazi t-shirts and badges. 6,000 Euros [$7,610] for selling merchandise that carry the swastikas and other Nazi symbols through his mail-order business. "Swastikas shouldn't be displayed in such a striking way," Häussler said, adding that he hopes the outcome of this trial will bring about a complete ban of Nazi symbols in public spaces.

Defense attorney Michael Wolff argued that Kamm was using the symbols to fight against neo-Nazis and other far-right extremists. Kamm explained: "It should not be illegal to use the symbols against Nazis."

The prosecutor disagreed. He argued that German law strictly forbids the use of symbols associated with the Nazi regime, no matter in what context they are used. He contended that it is irrelevant what the intent of the wearer is, and also that it did not matter that the symbol had been altered. The symbol should simply not be used publicly.

Perhaps such a literal interpretation of the law seems to be going too far. Several politicians, including the head of the Green party Claudia Roth, in reaction reported themselves to prosecutors in Stuttgart for wearing anti-Nazi t-shirts and buttons that include the banned symbols. Roth called the trial “a gift to the far-right.” Moreover, Germany's federal court of justice ruled in 1973 that it was not illegal to produce a swastika providing it had clearly been altered for the purposes of protesting against Nazism.

Nevertheless, the judge found Kamm guilty and fined him 3,600 Euros [$4,500]. The case is presently on appeal.

A much more serious case of Holocaust denial prosecution involves the notorious denier Ernst Zundel. German-born Zundel, now in his 60’s, emigrated in 1958 to Canada, from where he began disseminating in print form a substantial amount of material denying the Holocaust. In 1974, Zundel published a booklet penned by a British Holocaust denier entitled Did Six Million Really Die? His audience became much larger with the rise of the Internet and through the reach of a website created by his now wife and webmaster, Ingrid Rimland, , which includes references to such books as Truth at Last–Exposed. Because of free speech guarantees in the United States allowing Zundel to freely disseminate his views, however vile, the Zundelsite uses a U. S. based Internet service provider.

An excerpt from an article penned by Zundel in 1977 titled "Our New Emblem: The Best of Two Worlds" (referring to a design that merged a swastika and the American flag) and published in the magazine White Power is representative of his message:

Wherever we look, we White people find ourselves besieged by peoples of other races who compete aggressively against us for jobs, food, housing, education and above all -- power! The Jews are particularly adept at seizing or insinuating themselves into strategic positions in our society where they wield power far beyond the extent of their numbers....Through us, the White majority of Europe and America, the Jewish minority have obtained their advantages, including their Israel, their Federal Reserve, their World Bank and their International Monetary Fund. In exchange for these advantages, the Jews give us -- their White hosts -- wars, depressions, inflation, unemployment, energy shortages, higher and higher taxes and air piracy. Like sheep, they expect us to go down the road with them -- all the way to the kosher slaughterhouse. We White people of America have done nothing so far which would frustrate the Jews' expectations or their ambitions of becoming the world's slave masters.

Canada twice tried to prosecute him for his activities under their laws criminalizing intentional dissemination of false news. Even though he was twice convicted, Zundel’s convictions were overturned by Canadian appellate courts. On appeal of his second conviction, the Supreme Court of Canada in 1992 declared the “spreading of false news” criminal statute as incompatible with Canada’s free speech guarantees and therefore unconstitutional.

In 2005, Canadian immigration officials succeeded, after Zundel exhausted his judicial appeals process, to deport Zundel back to Germany. In November 2005, he was brought to trial before a state court in Mannheim, Germany to face charges of incitement, libel and disparaging the dead. As of this presentation, the trial still continues.

3. Growing Problem of Neo-Nazism in Germany and Need for Such Criminal Legislation

Despite this strict interpretation of the German so-called “Auschwitz lie” law, promotion of Nazi ideology is growing in two important areas: (1) music and (2) on the Internet.

a. Skinhead music

Germany's neo-Nazis are increasingly using music to spread their message, particularly among the unemployed youth of the former communist East Germany, according to experts on extremism in Germany.

In 2004, neo-Nazis applied for permission to hold 137 concerts, mostly in the poor eastern provinces of the former East Germany. Figures released by the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution show that from January to September 2005, the authorities had received 100 such requests and the "trend shows no sign of slowing down." The official added that the amount of racist audio and video material seized by German authorities had also increased.

Recently, the extreme right National Democratic Party (NPD) in Germany began using music as part of its strategy to spread racist, anti-Semitic and anti-capitalist messages to German youth by distributing thousands of free CDs in front of schools. A rap group called Dissau Crime released a song called "Zyklon D," named after the type of gas used by the Nazis in their gas chambers during the Holocaust.

The impact of these messages cannot be ignored. In 2004, the NDP claimed its first regional success when it obtained 9.2 percent of the votes in a regional election in the German state of Saxony. According to Patrick Moreau, a French researcher who studies extremist groups in Germany, "In the new states, where unemployment stands at up to 40 percent, the NPD offers the youth a haven where they feel they are among friends, where they can drink beer and listen to music….It is a slow politicization through music.”

German authorities have tried to clamp down on the spread of racist music. In 2005, the lead singer of the German extremist band "Landser"-- Michael Regener – was sentenced to three years in prison for belonging to a criminal organization. In a symbolic defiance of authorities, Regener gave a performance on the evening before he was going to enter prison.

b. The Internet

The main purveyor of neo-Nazi hate speech (including music), however, is still the Internet. For music, the neo-Nazi websites offer free downloading of their antisemtic and racist songs. These sites are set up outside Germany, such as in the United States and Denmark, where their existence is not prohibited (see further discussion below).

B. France

1. The Law

French law does not explicitly criminalize denial of the Holocaust. Rather, “Law No 90-615 of 13 July 1990 tending to repress any racist, anti-Semitic or xenophobic acts,” commonly known in France as the Gayssot Law (Loi Gayssot) after its author, makes it an offense to question the existence of “crimes against humanity” as they are defined in the Nuremberg Charter.

Article R645-1 of the French Penal Code prohibits the public display of Nazi uniforms, insignias and emblems.

In October 2006, the French National Assembly also adopted a bill making it a crime to contest that the massacres of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire in 1915 constituted genocide. The bill, yet to become law in France as of the time of this presentation, was heavily debated both in France and abroad. In retaliation for the National Assembly’s vote, Turkey suspended military relations with France. In 2007, the bill will be considered by the French Senate and then, if passed by that chamber, by French President Jacques Chirac who must sign it into law.

2. Application

In October 2006, French judicial authorities opened a judicial investigation to determine whether French far-right leader Jean-Marie Le Pen should be tried for comments denying the brutality of the Nazi occupation of France during World War II. As a result, a French investigating magistrate is presently considering whether to recommend prosecution of Le Pen for "justifying war crimes" and "complicity in contesting crimes against humanity." Le Pen has a history of making statements disparaging the Holocaust. His most infamous statement, for which he was not prosecuted, was to label the gas chambers a mere “detail of the history of World War II.”

The most notoroius Holocaust denier in France, however, is Robert Faurisson, a former professor of literature at the University of Lyon. Faurisson has been prosecuted on several occasions for his public statements and publications denying the Holocaust. In 1983, Faurisson was fined and given a three month suspended sentence for "racial defamation" after making remarks on a radio show supporting Holocaust denial. In 1990, Faurisson gave an interview to a far-right magazine where he described the gas chambers as a "myth" and was thereupon charged under the Gayssot Law. He was convicted and sentenced to a 250,000 franc ($50,000) fine of which 100,000 francs ($20,000) was suspended. Faurisson appealed his conviction all the way to the European Court of Human Rights, which upheld the Gayssot Law as not being incompatible with European guarantees of freedom of expression, and dismissed Faurisson’s appeal.

France was also the forum for another famous Holocaust denial-related case. In LICRA v.Yahoo! Inc., a French Jewish student group, Ligue contre le racisme et l'antisemitisme et Union des etudiants juifs de France, obtained a court order in 2000 ordering Yahoo! to modify its website so that users in France are denied access to that portion of the site listing auction sales of memorabilia from the Nazi period. The French court found that the availability of such items in France through the Internet, even though the sales were conducted in the United States, to be in violation of the French law cited above, Article R645-1, banning the public display of Nazi symbols.

Yahoo! did not appeal the French court decision but instead brought a separate action in the United States seeking to bar its application in the United States on the grounds that it violated the First Amendment. The lower court granted Yahoo!’s application, but a federal appellate court in 2006 reversed and dismissed the case on the ground that American law cannot regulate French criminal legislation when it is applied in France.

III. Eastern Europe

Western European nations are not the only ones to criminalize denial of the Holocaust. Eastern European nations after their liberation from Communism have also followed suit, but with a wrinkle. For example, in November 2006, the Estonian government approved a draft law making it a crime to display Nazi-era symbols in public. Because of its history of Soviet occupation, Estonia also added a prohibition against the public display of Soviet-era symbols, such as the hammer and sickle. Current legislation bans inciting hatred on the grounds of political views or ethnic or social status, but does not specifically mention symbols. The maximum penalty under the new law would be three years in prison. "It will be decided case-by-case if an act of displaying the symbols of the occupying regimes incites hatred and thus constitutes violation of the law or not," said Justice Minister Rein Lang. "Nobody is going to ban the Soviet and Nazi symbols from being used in a theatrical performance or in research."

Historians remain divided over whether Soviet-era crimes should be equated with Nazi ones, including the Holocaust. Eastern European governments are also split over restrictions on symbols because of concerns about freedom of speech. Estonia, however, was not the first one to take the step of banning both Nazi and Communist-era symbols. Other former communist nations enacting similar bans since the fall of the Iron Curtain include Latvia, Hungary, and Poland. Latvia, Estonia's neighbor, which suffered a similar fate, has a law banning the use of both Soviet and Nazi symbols at public meetings. Hungary also bars use of the Arrow Cross symbol of its WWII pro-Nazi regime, plus the swastika, as well as Soviet symbols. Poland, one of the most serious victims of Nazi barbarity, in article 55 of the Polish Criminal Code criminalizes denial of both Nazi-era and Communist-era crimes.

IV. European nations without laws banning denial of the Holocaust and promotion of anti-Semitic and racist

The Scandinavian countries to date have put a higher premium on free speech over criminalizing Holocaust denial or hate speech. For example, in Denmark a private radio station -- Radio Oasis -- broadcasts uncensored, right-wing extremist propaganda and does so with the support of state funds under a Danish law guaranteeing state funds for non-commercial radio and television stations. Under that law, Radio Oasis receives a yearly subsidy from the state totaling nearly 50 percent of the station’s yearly expenses. Among its offerings, Radio Oasis features songs by neo-Nazi bands and messages guarding what the station perceives to be “the pure, white race of Danes.”

A. Great Britain

Great Britain likewise does not criminalize Holocaust denial or the public display of Nazi symbols. When Prince Harry, for instance, appeared at a costume party wearing a Nazi uniform, he was roundly criticized for his insensitivity, but it was clear that no British laws were broken. In contrast, when years earlier a partygoer in Germany appeared wearing a Hitler mask, criminal charges were brought against him.

Despite the absence of Holocaust denial laws, Great Britain was the scene of one the most publicized legal events involving Holocaust denial. In 1996, self-described British historian David Irving brought a civil defamation suit against American professor Deborah Lipstadt and Penguin Books stemming from a book on Holocaust deniers written by Lipstadt and published in 1994 by Penguin. In the book, Lipstadt named Irving as a Holocaust denier. Irving’s suit claimed that the allegation damaged his reputation.

While Irving began his writing career as a mainstream historian of World War II, his views over the years became more bizarre and he began to ally himself with groups denying the Holocaust, before whom he has made numerous appearances. In 1985, Irving appeared as a defense witness in Ernst Zundel’s second trial in Canada. While Irving in the past promulgated the controversial thesis that Hitler had not known about or ordered the destruction of European Jewry, at the Zundel trial he went a step further by nothing that he now was convinced that no gas chambers had been present at Auschwitz. At rally of Holocaust deniers in Calgary, Canada in 1991, Irving announced: “I don’t see any reasons to be tasteful about Auschwitz. It’s baloney. It’s a legend. . . . I say quite tastelessly, in fact, that more women died in the back seat of Edward Kennedy’s car . . . than ever died in a gas chamber at Auschwitz.”

By the time Irving filed his suit against Lipstadt he was already notorious on the Holocaust denial scene. What made him different from others calling the Holocaust a lie was that he was an author whose works were published by prominent publishing houses. Despite his bizarre pronouncements, he was still viewed by some as a respected military historian. This, according to Lipstadt, made Irving “one of the most dangerous spokespersons for Holocaust denial.” He was “familiar with historical evidence,” she wrote in her book, and “bends it until it conforms with his ideological leanings and political agenda.” Lipstadt went on to describe Irving as a “Hitler partisan wearing blinkers” and an “ardent admirer of Hitler.”

After a two-month trial in London, the trial judge issued a 333-page opinion ruling decisively against Irving. The opinion concludes with the following finding:

My conclusion [is] that Irving displays all the characteristics of a Holocaust denier. He repeatedly makes assertions about the Holocaust which are offensive to Jews in their terms and unsupported by or contrary to the historical record…. Irving has for his own ideological reasons persistently and deliberately misrepresented and manipulated historical evidence; that for the same reasons he has portrayed Hitler in an unwarrantedly favourable light, principally in relation to his attitude towards and responsibility for the treatment of the Jews; that he is an active Holocaust denier; that he is anti Semitic and racist and that he associates with right wing extremists who promote neo Nazism.

In February, 2006, Irving was jailed in Austria for three years for Holocaust denial. His arrest and trial were based on speeches he made in Austria during a 1989 visit and lecture series when he stated there were no gas chambers at Auschwitz and no extermination camps in the Third Reich. He also called Adolf Hitler a protector of Europe's Jews. During his trial, Irving claimed that he had again changed his views on gas chambers. He told the judge that he is now convinced, contrary to his earlier assertions in the London defamation trial, at the Zundel trial and in 1989, that gas chambers did in fact exist. However, he continued to doubt the figure of 6 million Jews killed. The Austrian judge nevertheless found him guilty of violating Austrian law. As of this presentation, he is still in prison and appealing his conviction.

V. North America

A. Canada

Section 281 of the Canadian federal criminal code prohibits the promotion of hatred against any "identifiable group," but the statute is notoriously difficult to prosecute. For this reason, for example, it was not used against Ernst Zundel during his trials in Canada. The previous discussion noted the difficulty of trying someone for Holocaust denial in Canada in light of the decision of the Canadian Supreme Court that laws attempting to criminalize such denial are incompatible with Canadian guarantees of free speech.

B. The United States

Broad interpretation by the U.S. Supreme Court of the First Amendment guarantees in its constitution has made denial of the Holocaust, promotion of Nazi ideology and dissemination of racist and anti-Semitic speech completely legal under American law.

As a result, most of the Internet websites with neo-Nazi content originate in the United States but are available to anyone in the world with access to the Internet.

One of the most infamous cases confirming this right was the march by the neo-Nazis in the 1970’s in the Chicago neighborhood of Skokie, home to many Holocaust survivors. The organizers specifically chose Skokie because of the large survivor population. Despite governmental attempts to stop the march as an affront to the dignity to the survivors and the trauma to be inflicted upon them of seeing Nazis march in their neighborhood, the federal courts allowed the march to proceed.

NGOs in the U.S., such as the ACLU, vigorously defend neo-Nazis whenever their activities are aimed to be curtailed, and the ACLU has been heavily criticized for its work on behalf of neo-Nazis. The ACLU’s response is that it will defend anyone’s right to free speech, whatever their political affiliation and regardless of the vile content of the speech, since the ACLU only represents one client: The First Amendment.

Since the First Amendment allows Holocaust deniers to disseminate their views with impunity, notorious deniers have found safe refuge in the United States. Ernst Zundel temporarily lived in the United States until he was deported back to Canada for visa violations. In April 2004, an international conference of Holocaust deniers and neo-Nazis convened in honor of Zundel was held in Sacramento.

Home-grown deniers also abound in the United States. Arthur Butz, an engineering professor at Northwestern University in Chicago, has for many years issued texts denying the Holocaust, including the book The Hoax of the Twentieth Century. The scholarly-sounding Institute of Historical Review, based in Southern California, likewise freely disseminates materials both in print and on the Internet denying the Holocaust. Its website reproduces the entire text of the booklet Did Six Million Really Die? by British Holocaust denier Richard Verrall, (written under the pseudonym Richard E. Harwood), and published by Ernst Zündel in 1974.

VI. Muslim World

While every part of the world seems to have some individual or group espousing Holocaust denial – Australia, for example, has Frederick Toben and his scholarly-sounding Adelaide Institute –a major region from where Holocaust denial is regularly emanated is the Muslim world.

This includes Holocaust denial not only coming from countries with majority Muslim populations like the Arab states, Iran, Indonesia and Malaysia, but also pronouncements from Muslim leaders in the West. In July 2006, Sheikh Taj Aldin Alhilali, the mufti of Australia and a member of Prime Minister John Howard's Muslim Community Reference Group, dismissed the Holocaust as a "Zionist lie" in a series of fiery sermons.

Muslim-majority countries, however, seem to have the most frequent and most consistent pattern of Holocaust denial pronouncements, using statements first made by Holocaust deniers in the West. The most frequent assertion questions the number of Jews killed during World War II, and books such as The Hoax of the Twentieth Century and Did Six Million Really Die? have been translated into Arabic and are widely sold.

In 2005, the rhetoric acquired a new spokesperson: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. In a speech made that December, Ahmadinejad labeled the Holocaust a “myth” and a "fairy tale." In a March 2006 speech he again denied the Holocaust, adding this time:

They have fabricated a legend under the name Massacre of the Jews, and they hold it higher than God himself, religion itself and the prophets themselves. If somebody in their country questions God, nobody says anything, but if somebody denies the myth of the massacre of Jews, the Zionist loudspeakers and the governments in the pay of Zionism will start to scream.

These statements, coming in the aftermath of his earlier statement in October 2005 calling for Israel to be “wiped off the map” caused a large outry in the West, with political leaders and parties loudly condemming Ahmadinejad’s remarks.

Ahmadinejad’s speeches were followed by a Holocaust cartoon contest held in Tehran seeking to mock the Holocaust. The contest, launched by an Iranian newspaper, was publicized as a response to the Danish cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad that sparked rage among Muslims worldwide.

On December 11, 2006, Iran held a a conference questioning the Holocaust. As reported by the International Herald Tribune, set to attend the conference was an Israeli Arab Muslim lawyer from Nazareth, Khaled Kasab Mahameed, who aimed to directly confront the phenomena of Muslim Holocaust denial. According to Mahameed,

Instead of trying to understand the Holocaust and learn something from it, they choose to deny it. . . . I'm going to tell them that there is no argument about the facts, and that they must try to understand how the Holocaust has shaped the positions of the Jews, of Europe, of America. I will tell them they must internalize its meaning and not say it didn't happen.

Iran refused to grant Mahameed a visa to attend the conference to present his point of view. The speaker of rosters did include former American Klan leader David Duke, French Holocaust denier Robert Faurisson and Australian denier Frederick Toben.

The Tehran conference was roundly condemned worldwide. The European Union's top justice official described the conference as "an unacceptable affront" to victims of the World War II genocide. British Prime Minister Tony Blair denounced it as "shocking beyond belief." French Foreign Minister Philippe Douste-Blazy called the conference "quite simply not acceptable.” German Chancellor Angela Merkel said her country repudiated it "with all our strength. . . ."We absolutely reject this. Germany will never accept this and will act against it with all the means that we have." The last statement is particularly important, since it came from the nation most responsible for the Holocaust.

VII. Which way is best?

Proponents of vigorous prosecution of neo-Nazis, racist and Holocaust deniers argue that such laws and their strict enforcement is necessary to prevent the reemergence of Nazism, which, in a repeat of the events in pre-war Germany, is particularly attractive to individuals living in countries where unemployment and social dissatisfaction is high. Transitional societies are particularly vulnerable, and the post-Communist societies face the most acute problems. For example, even though 20 million Soviets perished during World War II following the Nazi invasion of 1941, neo-Nazi groups are rampant in today’s Russia and especially attractive to the disaffected youth.

Referring both to denial of the Holocaust and the Armenian genocide, Hilda Tchoboian, president of the European Armenian Federation, explained that "the hydra of denial is a tumor on freedom of expression."

Supporters of Holocaust denial laws also contend that these laws are necessary more than ever as the number of Holocaust survivors, eyewitnesses to the events, dwindles and the events recede into history. As a result, supporters contend, denial of the Holocaust is growing and such views are becoming more mainstream. Such supporters even argue for expansion of such laws to criminalize trans-border dissemination through the Internet, since the reach of Holocaust denier message in the current era of globalization has increased exponentially.

Opponents argue that such laws are incompatible with a democratic society. The hallmark of a true democracy, they argue, is not just protection of speech one agrees with but speech is which most hateful and despicable.

Like proponents, those opposed to such laws also make use of the slippery slope argument by contenting that criminal prosecution of Holocaust deniers, neo-Nazis and other racists can lead to prosecution of more benign activities and speech. Armenian-American student activist Garin K. Hovannisian, in direct response to Hilda Tchoboian’s statement above, argues:

Genocide denial might be a tumor on truth, memory, or even human dignity, but it's not even a pimple on the freedom of expression. It's an exercise - however false or disgusting - of that freedom,. . .A government that has the power to punish lies also has the power to punish truth (consider Turkey's law that punishes those who denigrate "Turkishness") and, really, to punish anything it pleases.

Some critics oppose such laws on practical grounds, arguing that prosecution of such individuals gives them a forum to disseminate their vile views and, since such trials are covered by the media, tons of free publicity.

For example, in the aftermath of his 1985 conviction in Canada, Zundel appeared for sentencing in black-face (indicating that white men could not receive justice in Canada), and carrying a cross, also inscribed with a "Freedom of Speech" motto. At a well-covered news conference, Zundel noted that the trial “cost me $40,000 in lost work -- but I got $1 million worth of publicity for my cause. It was well worth it."

Deborah Lipstadt, in reaction the jailing of David Irving in Austria, explained that even though she abhors Irving’s message, she is opposed to his imprisonment since it makes him, in some eyes, a hero of free speech and a martyr to fellow deniers.

Ultimately, such laws must be examined in their context. In the United States, the display of Nazi symbols may not need to be criminalized since the Holocaust did not take place on American soil. However, public display of a hate symbol exclusive to the United States – cross burning – can in certain instances be criminalized, according to a 2003 decision of the U.S Supreme Court (Virginia v. Black, 538 U.S. 343 (2003)), because of the potent symbol which a burning cross has played in the persecution of African-Americans since the end of the American Civil War and abolition of slavery.


Professor Michael Bazyler is a leading authority on the use of American and European courts to redress genocide and other historical wrongs.

Bazyler is the author of the book Holocaust Justice: The Battle for Restitution in America’s Courts (New York University Press, 2003, soft cover 2005), contributor of chapters to various books on genocide and the law, and the co-editor with Roger Alford of Holocaust Restitution: Perspectives on the Litigation and Its Legacy.

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Franklin H. Littell: A Christian Pioneer of Holocaust Studies

In Memoriam

May 2009 saw the loss of Dr. Franklin H. Littell, who was at times referred to as the Father of Holocaust Studies, especially in the United States. He died at age 91 after a long illness. Along with Dr. Littell’s family, friends, and former students. his passing was mourned by many in the international community of Holocaust scholars.

Franklin Littell was a Methodist minister who dedicated his life to Holocaust research after spending nearly 10 years in postwar Germany as chief Protestant religious adviser in the U.S. high command. An undisputed groundbreaker in his field, he was the first American scholar to offer courses on Holocaust and genocide studies, beginning with a graduate seminar he set up in 1959 at Emory University in Atlanta. In 1970, with Dr. Hubert Locke, he set up annual scholarly conferences on the Holocaust, a forum that continues through to the present time.

In 1976 Dr. Littell established at Temple University the nation's first doctoral program on Holocaust studies and founded a national institute on the Holocaust. In 1998, he and his wife, Dr. Marcia Sachs-Littell, established the first interdisciplinary master’s degree program in Holocaust studies at the Richard Stockton College of New Jersey.

Franklin Littell authored more than two dozen books and 1,000 articles (he was apparently working most recently on his memoirs). The most well-known of his writings is the 1975 book, The Crucifixion of the Jews, which traces a direct connection between any church doctrine that teaches hatred of Jews and Judaism and the development of a worldview that allowed the Holocaust to happen. Dr. Littell’s challenge to the church to produce an in depth theological and ethical response to the Holocaust became a major thrust of his work for years to come. Pressing this point bore fruit. According to Holocaust scholar, John K. Roth, emeritus professor of philosophy at Claremont McKenna College, Dr. Littell “helped to turn the tide on the awareness of Christian complicity, shortcoming, indifference in the face of what was happening to Jews under Hitler.”

Dr. Littell impacted generations of future scholars and activists not only by the content of his writings and the higher education programs he established, but by their role in opening up development of Holocaust studies as a widely accepted field of scholarship. In the first decade or so following the end of World War II, there was little public discussion or study of the Holocaust. By the 1960s, however, the Eichmann trial and publication of books like Elie Wiesel’s “Night” and other survivor testimonies began to draw attention to the subject. “When Franklin Littell started his work,” said Dr. Roth, “it was almost the case that there was no such thing as Holocaust studies as a field.” That is no longer the case. Hundreds of colleges offer courses and programs on the Holocaust, and many public schools are required to teach about it.

In an essay eulogizing Dr. Littell, author JoAnn Magnuson, active for many years in Jewish-Christian relations and Holocaust studies expressed her gratitude for his “pioneering work in these fields.” She continued to explain. “In the 1950s, when I first began looking for information on the Holocaust, there was very little to be found. Even in the mid-1970s when I first discovered The Crucifixion of the Jews, it was quite possible for a serious student to have read most of the literature available on these topics. Today the bookshelves overflow and many colleges offer courses in Holocaust studies.”

The genesis of Franklin Littell’s passion for daring the world to respond to the Holocaust can be found in a defining moment in his life as a young man. It was 1939, and a 22-year-old Littell was traveling with other young co-religionists to a Christian youth conference in Amsterdam. They happen to pass through Nuremberg, Germany just in time to attend the great Nazi rally held there. Littell and his friends were horrified at the open racism and religious glorification of Aryans displayed there. When Adolf Hitler took the stage bathed with a god-like halo of lights and greeted with waves of adulation, they were so repulsed that they stood up and left. This reaction would come to typify Franklin Littell. He didn’t just write and teach – he acted. "He believed you could not hide behind the ivory tower of academia or the sanctity of the church," said Marcia Littell, currently professor of Holocaust and Genocide Studies at Richard Stockton College. "You must be actively involved in all that you do."

A former student said of him, “He didn’t just have a front row seat to history; he was a part of history, and he brought that to every seminar. “

That inclination to stand up and act on his beliefs was also expressed in Dr. Littell’s enthusiastic support for the State of Israel, in part because he believed that its very existence refuted theologies that foresaw or favored the passing away of the Jewish people. He rejected any theology which teaches that the church has replaced the Jewish people in God’s plan, and wrote against what he called “traditional Christian myth about their [the Jews’] end in the historic process."

Shortly following the Six-Day War in 1967, Dr. Littell founded an organization called Christians Concerned for Israel, dedicated to promoting pro-Israel views in Roman Catholic and mainline Protestant churches. In 1978, along with Sister Rose Thering and Rev. David A. Lewis, Littell started the National Christian Leadership Conference for Israel (NCLCI), which lobbied against arms sales to Arab nations and campaigned against the United Nations “Zionism=racism” resolution, adopted in 1975 and since repealed.

Dr. Littell did not shy away from warning a too often indifferent Christian church on the dangers of theology that could lead to hatred of the Jews. "A rise of Antisemitism is often the first seismographic reading on a serious shifting and shearing along the fault lines of bedrock Christianity,” he wrote. “The fundamental fault line...is a line of false teaching about the Jewish people."

In a world in which the public discourse has grown increasingly violent and unmannered, Franklin Littell tried to caution the world about the result of such a trend. On the occasion of the 1995 assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzchak Rabin, Dr. Littell wrote of “the Language of Assault, which prepares the way and justifies physical violence. It can never be justified under a legitimate government.” This was a point he had already made with force and eloquence in his 1965 tome, Wild Tongues: A Handbook of Social Pathology. Now, thirty years later he once again warned that “words have consequences in action. And the immediate result of a crescendo of irresponsible verbal assault can be marked in the burial of a hero of war and of peace a few weeks ago in Jerusalem.”

Franklin Littell was an influential thinker about early warnings of totalitarianism and of genocide, as was reviewed and evidenced in his contribution on early warnings in The Encyclopedia of Genocide, published in 1991.

Dr. Franklin Littell will be greatly missed by the many individuals who knew him, were taught by him, and were affected by his writings. The following testimonials describe several aspects of Franklin Littel’s contributions:

Dr. Hubert Locke, Dr. Littell’s longtime friend and colleague, co-founder of the Annual Scholar’s Conference on the Holocaust, and Professor Emeritus, University of Washington announced Dr. Littell’s death as follows:

"And the king said to his servants, do you not know that . . .a great man has fallen this day in Israel?" II Samuel 3:38

With profound sorrow, we wish to inform you of the death on Saturday, May 22nd, of Dr. Franklin H. Littell, Professor Emeritus of Temple University and Founder of the Annual Scholars' Conference. Dr. Littell served on the staff of the U.S. High Commissioner in Germany after World War II, taught at Emory and Southern Methodist Universities, the Chicago Theological Seminary, and was President of Iowa Wesleyan University.

His death marks the passing of a generation of outstanding Christian scholars who were the first to term the Holocaust a "crisis of faith" for the Christian world. A memorial is tentatively planned for October at the 39th Annual Scholars' Conference. "May he rest in peace and may his memory be a blessing."

Dr. Abraham J. Peck, Director, Academic Council for Religion, Genocide and Human Rights:

Baruch Dayan Emet---Blessed is the true Judge. These are the words that Jews repeat upon hearing the sad news of someone's death. In that blessing, God is honored as the true and righteous judge. The blessing affirms that God, whose wisdom we praise when the Creator of heaven and earth provides acts of goodness, is the very same Creator who decides the time of death.

With Franklin's passing, those words are more than appropriate. Allowing us to be a part of Franklin's life, to observe what surely must have been an act of the Divine in empowering him with the voice of the Prophets--he with the flowing white mane, the anger at the world as a bystander, the charge against the teaching of Christian contempt towards Judaism--was a privilege that could have only come from God. Hearing of his death tells us that his earthly work in repairing the world-- a task that he may not have finished, but that he undertook with a conviction and a purpose few have ever possessed--is no more.

I wrote the following words on the occasion of Frank's 80th birthday:

I have often wondered what if one, a hundred or a thousand Franklin Littells could have stood on the pulpits of churches in Europe and America in the 19th and 20 centuries. Would we have then had an end to the teaching of contempt?

Would Jewish identity and memory not have to be predicated to such a degree on the politics of victimization? Would my 14 murdered uncles and aunts, and their spouses and children, who died in the Holocaust, been a part of something only others know as an extended family?

But I quickly interrupt my daydream to bring myself back to reality. You are the only Franklin Littell and if I have to dream it is that your ministry will help to secure the future of my Jewish children and grandchildren.

Rest in peace, dear Frank, you have caused a revolution, you have helped to change the mind and path of Christianity, you have changed the world

Dr. Israel Charny, writing to Dr. Littell’s widow, Marcie:

In June 1982 Franklin Littell agreed to be the Keynote Speaker for our beleaguered First International Conference on the Holocaust and Genocide in Tel Aviv. Elie Wiesel had resigned as President of the Conference. What's his name President of American Jewish Congress had agreed to keynote and pulled out at the last moment. Yad Vashem, where we were supposed to open the Congress canceled and literally closed the gates without a proper announcement to people arriving from overseas --we moved the Congress to the Hilton in Tel Aviv.

Franklin didn't hesitate. When he had convictions he acted on their behalf and didn't fold to totalitarian pressures. He gave a pre-Congress workshop: "Teaching the Holocaust and Genocide." He delivered the dramatic Opening Plenary: "The Holocaust as a Watershed Historical Event." He chaired a session -- so did you another session, Marcie. He ran a several-session "Track Session: Teaching about Genocide to One's Own People and to Other Peoples" (in which you too presented, Marcie). He chaired another Plenary. He chaired another session, "The Holocaust and God" (who else would confront the latter, I add?). And more and more up to and including participation in the Conference Summation Panel.

His contribution was enormous and unforgettable.

Personally, in addition to the Congress, and especially in my earlier more youthful years, I gained so very much from Franklin of basic ideas, inspiration, and encouragement. It was always a pleasure to see him and speak with him. He was as free of posturing and academic manipulativeness as they come-- a mensch.

Marcie, please accept my personal condolences, as I too join a whole world of Holocaust and genocide scholars in honoring and loving Franklin.

Selected Writing by Franklin H. Littell

Littell, Franklin H. (1969). Wild Tongues: A Handbook of Social Pathology. New York: Macmillan.

Littell, Franklin H. (1975). The Crucifixion of the Jews. New York: Harper and Row.

Littell, Franklin H. (1988). Early warning. Holocaust and Genocide Studies, 3(4), 483-490.

Littell, Franklin H. (1999). Early Warning System (EWS). In Charny, Israel W. (Ed.) Encyclopedia of Genocide. Boulder, CO: ABC-Clio, pp. 261-265.

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Sudanese President Omar Hassan Ahmad al-Bashir's Travel Days Aren't Over


Sudanese President Omer Hassan al-Bashir cancelled plans to attend an economic conference in Uganda on July 26-28 after statements from Ugandan officials suggested that Bashir might be arrested if he stepped on Ugandan soil.

Bashir's attendance at the Smart Partnership Dialogue in Kampala would have presented the Ugandan government with a dilemma. The Ugandan government is obligated to arrest Bashir if he comes to Uganda, as per the arrest warrant issued last March by the International Criminal Court (ICC). Last July, however, Uganda voted with the African Union states to disregard the warrant.

The ICC has charged Bashir with genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity (although as of this writing the warrant for his arrest doesn’t include any genocide charges). The warrant names Bashir as criminally responsible for intentionally directing attacks of murder, extermination, rape, torture, plunder and forced transfer of a significant portion of the civilian population of Darfur, Sudan, According to the charges, Bashir "masterminded and implemented a plan to destroy in substantial part" three tribal groups in Darfur on the basis of their ethnicity.

The UN says that the conflict in Darfur has displaced an estimated 2.7 million people and resulted in up to 300,000 deaths in the region. .Sudan's government disputes the figures, saying 10,000 people have been killed.

Uganda Responds to Pressure

According to the Rome Statute, which established the ICC, nation states, and not the ICC itself are responsible for bringing those accused of war crimes, genocide and other charges to justice. Uganda is party to the Rome Statute.

On July 13, ICC prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo told journalists in Kampala that Bashir "should know the obligation of Uganda is to arrest him. He should know that before he comes."

In answer to Ocampo's statement, Ugandan International Relations Ministry Okello Oryem affirmed his country's commitment to the Rome Statute and indicated that the Solicitor General's office had already received the arrest warrant for Bashir. "If and when Bashir arrives in Uganda, it is up to the Inspector General of Police to take action," Oryem said.

Khartoum responded angrily, demanding Oryem's dismissal. Although Sudanese official news report that Ugandan President Yoweri Musievini apologized to Bashir for Oryem's comments and provided written assurances that he will not be arrested in Uganda, there was also a veiled threat in the Ugandan president's statement about the incident. “When I want to fight you,” Musievini told reporters, “I insult you, I don’t invite you, I tell you beforehand. We don’t believe in surprise attacks.” The president added, “If there are any other issues, I will tell you ‘Please don’t come here because I cannot guarantee your safety’.”

Apparently Musievini's warning was heeded, and a Sudanese official attended the conference instead of Bashir.

Behind the ICC's Strategy

The Ugandan government's dilemma came against the backdrop of the earliest efforts of an international body to use legal means to combat war crimes and genocide. President Bashir is the first sitting head of government to be charged with war crimes. Initially, it was hoped that issuing a warrant for his arrest would in effect make him a prisoner of his own country, thus deterring other potential world leaders from committing the same crimes.

Back in July 2008, Payam Akhavan, a professor of international law at McGill University in Montreal and a former war crimes prosecutor told CBC News that eventually the Sudanese government might be convinced to deliver al-Bashir to the ICC — just as the Yugoslavian government handed over former president Slobodan Milosevic in 2001 in response to "sustained international pressure."

The Yugoslavian comparison has not held up so far. Although Bashir did cancel his plans to attend the July 2008 Smart Partnership Dialogue (while claiming that the cancellation was unrelated to the ICC charges) and backed out of attending South African President Jacob Zuma's inauguration in May 2009, since March of this year he has traveled abroad seven times, with no repercussions.

However, it is notable that Bashir has only traveled to countries which are not party to the Rome Statute, such as Eritrea, Egypt, Libya, Qatar, Ethiopia and Saudi Arabia. The aborted trip to Uganda would have been the Sudanese president's first to a country that is obligated to comply with the ICC warrant.

The American Factor

The impact of Uganda's apparent decision to abide by the Rome Statute may be lessened if other nations do not follow suit. Not only African nations have sent mixed signals regarding implementation of the ICC ruling.

On July 9, U.S. Special Envoy to Sudan Scott Gration set off on a trip that would include stops in Darfur and and Khartoum. “Right now President Al-Bashir is the president of the country and we have to work with him," Gration told Agence France Presse (AFP) in an interview from the Oslo. He added, however, that Bashir still must "do what’s right in terms of facing the International Criminal Court and those charges.”

Some in the American government view a visit to the accused leader of Sudan as incompatible with President Obama's election promises to fight human rights abuses in Africa. A statement from US House representative Frank Wolf (R-VA) claimed that Obama "spoke of ‘ratcheting up sanctions.’ Now, almost six months into the administration, the State Department is still conducting a much vaunted ‘comprehensive review’ of U.S.-Sudan policy. Nothing concrete has emerged. The little that has leaked out in press reports is disturbing.”

Wolf referred to high-level disagreement in the State Department over whether genocide has even been committed in Darfur. "Furthermore, they [U.S. State Department officials] are making overtures to Khartoum which are, at best, naïve," Wolf said.

Those overtures include the possible lifting of sanctions against Sudan and removing that country from the list of states that support terrorism. The US embassy in the Sudanese capital has already announced that it will issue visas for Sudanese nationals after more than ten years of not permitting them.

Building on Small Steps of Progress

The attempt to prevent genocide and war crimes via international legal pressure is a slow and often frustrating process. The ICC has little leverage with leaders who are lauded by a solid group of other states when they choose to dismiss the court's authority. While the use of arrest warrants is meant to virtually imprison the accused, how effective is this method on those like President Bashir who are backed by at least 50 countries in Africa and the Middle East? The only “prison” in which the Sudanese leader finds himself today is one that is expansive and powerful 'prison', where he can bask in the approval of other like-minded international figures. Only when war criminals at large are prevented from going to a destination that they actually want to visit are they somewhat incarcerated.

If Uganda's threat to arrest Bashir is a significant crack in the mostly smooth wall of unified African rejection of the ICC, it bodes well for future success in impacting – and perhaps deterring – perpetrators of war crimes and genocide. This is especially true if Western countries like the US carry through with their commitment to sanction human rights offenders.

On the other hand, Uganda may be a unique case, in that its government has its own reasons for bolstering the authority of the ICC. Uganda was the first country to refer a conflict to the ICC when it successfully obtained indictments for Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) rebel leader Joseph Kony and his top lieutenants. Having made use of those indictments to pressure LRA rebels to attend peace talks in 2008, Uganda can hardly dismiss the ICC's indictments of Bashir.

ICC prosecutors have not given up. In early July, they appealed the ICC tribunal's decision to exclude actual charges of genocide from Bashir's warrant. As the effort to bring the accused criminal to trial continues, hope remains that the gravity of his crimes will not be ignored by the family of nations.

Sources: Al Jazeera English, Al Arabiya, Reuters, Huffington Post, ArabNews.com, EarthTimes, Al Ahram Weekly, The Tripoli Post, France24, Sudan Tribune, CNS News, International News, Dayton Daily News, Zimbabwe Guardian


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"Preventing Genocide: A Blueprint for U.S. Policymakers" by Madeleine K. Albright and William S. Cohen




This report was originally found posted on the USIP website at: http://www.usip.org/genocide_taskforce/index.html

The USIP's announcement of the release of the report ran as follows:
The Genocide Prevention Task Force was launched on November 13, 2007 and released its report to the public on December 8, 2008. It was jointly convened by the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, The American Academy of Diplomacy, and the U.S. Institute of Peace. It was funded by private foundations. Its goals were: (1) To spotlight genocide prevention as a national priority; and; (2) To develop practical policy recommendations to enhance the capacity of the U.S. government to respond to emerging threats of genocide and mass atrocities.
The report, which is entitled "Preventing Genocide: A Blueprint for U.S. Policymakers", asserts that genocide is preventable, and that making progress toward doing so begins with leadership and political will. The report provides 34 recommendations, starting with the need for high-level attention, standing institutional mechanisms, and strong international partnerships to respond to potential genocidal situations when they arise; it lays out a comprehensive approach, recommending improved early warning mechanisms, early action to prevent crises, timely diplomatic responses to emerging crises, greater preparedness to employ military options, and action to strengthen global norms and institutions.
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Beyond Genocide: An Ounce of Prevention, 2008 Year End Notes on Albright-Cohen Report

DOWNLOAD FULL PDF VERSION OF THE REPORT

Amy Fagin
20th Century Illuminations
Author of Beyond Genocide

Dear Colleagues,

For those of us in the genocide prevention community it can be small solace that increments towards prevention or aversion of atrocities are measured with diplomatic concessions or excruciatingly slow legal indictments with controversy swirling around the reasons for or against seemingly inconsequential efforts. It is important to remember two factors, great social movements can often span generations and that progress in an individual’s lifetime towards these goals may seem too little, too late. Especially when the crimes of humanity continue unchecked in our times and victims are perishing by the hundreds of thousands, our worthy goals can seem as ephemeral as a spring flower in a late winter storm.

With this understanding we continue to remind, cajole and mobilize against the tide of indifference with the underlying conviction that we will eventually bring the age of genocide to an end and create healthy, internationally recognized institutions that preserve human rights, dignity and respect for self determination.

Prevention is the key concept to aid in thwarting polarization and victimization of groups, wherever in the world these dangerous collective activities become apparent. To this effect two important documents have been created recently to aid policy makers and diplomats, activists and average citizens to take the responsibility of genocide prevention into our own hands so that we can all proudly take part in eradicating mass atrocity.

In November of this year the Genocide Prevention Task Force, a committee sponsored by the US Holocaust Memorial Museum, The American Academy of Diplomacy and The US Institute of Peace created a landmark comprehensive blueprint for prevention entitled: Preventing Genocide, A Blueprint for US Policymakers. Co chairs Madeleine Albright and William S. Cohen along with a 12 member committee have outlined central components, in a 174 page document, to challenge governments and citizens, worldwide to “stop allowing the unacceptable” and identify practical steps to enhance the capacity of the U.S. government to prevent and respond to genocide and mass atrocities.

An older report, called the Doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect, was first released into the international community in 2001. This report examined when, if ever, it is appropriate for states to take coercive, and in particular, military action, against another state for the purpose of protecting populations at risk. The conclusions of the committee, led by Gareth Evans, former Foreign Minister of Australia and Mohamed Sahnoun, special Advisor to the UN Secretary-General, determined that: …” when a group of people are suffering from egregious acts of violence resulting from internal war, insurgency, repression or state failure, and the state where these crimes are taking place is unable or unwilling to act to prevent or protect its population, the international community has a moral duty to intervene or avert or halt these atrocities from occurring. “

In this year end note to colleagues, friends and fellow citizens I offer a synopsis the information in this newly released “Preventing Genocide:” report to help provide a concise overview for those of us who’s concerns prevent deeper examination of this important publication. Embedded in several chapters of this new document is the principal of “the responsibility to protect”. I have included a note about this earlier document due to the central role that it plays in forming the foundation of the Genocide Prevention Task Force’s recommendations.

Prevention of genocide is every citizen’s responsibility. With our collective efforts no one of us will carry a burden too heavy for a single individual. With the knowledge of the central components of these documents each of us will be better prepared to find opportunity to act in ways which promote genocide prevention. Our combined efforts can advance the commitment to eradicate genocide and shed the collective burden of helpless witnessing of willful murder on a mass scale.

In “Preventing Genocide: A Blueprint for U.S. Diplomacy” the document is organized into 6 chapters which make the claim that it “represents a comprehensive policy approach designed to ensure and effective response to genocide that is not held hostage to arguments over resources, intelligence, geography, sovereignty, or legal definition”.

The first chapter, “Leadership” is distinct from the others, recognizing the central role that leadership plays in the implementation of any ideas, proposed in the document, by the President, Congress and the American people. It is a specific call to action to all U.S. citizens, from the highest levels of government to the average citizen to leverage “all sources of relevant power and influence to effectively utilize the 2001 doctrine of “the responsibility to protect populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity”. First and foremost is fostering a goal of national priority by the President and leaders in Congress as to the importance of creating an “overarching inter-agency policy framework to devise and implement preventative strategies in recognition, analysis and response to perceived threats of genocide or mass atrocity” and to move past the current ad hoc nature of US response to these crises. This critical recommendation recognizes that the US government does not have “an established, coherent policy for preventing and responding to genocide and mass atrocities”. Along side of the policy recommendations is the monetary recommendation of $250 million in annual funds “channeled to the international affairs budget to finance initiatives to prevent genocide and mass atrocities in countries at risk”.

The following 5 chapters outline key recommendations as to formulating a strategic interagency policy, professional and citizen action framework for the President, Congress and the American people.

Chapter 2, “Early Warning” defines and elaborates on early warning and risk assessment systems as the first major element of a comprehensive strategy to prevent genocide. The task force recognizes that monitoring agencies currently exist and deliver prompt early warning statements to governments around the world of “at risk” regions but points out that these agencies are not coordinated with government institutions in a normative structure so that information received is too sporadic and disorganized to be effective. This chapter points out that improved mechanisms for early warning within government and improved coordination with international watch agencies, civil society, governments and experts is essential in creating effective and practical prevention strategies.

Chapter 3,” Early Prevention” advises that the judicial use of the tools of prevention can “successfully obviate the need for a much more difficult crisis response at a later stage.” The committee also cautions that prevention mechanisms do not automatically engender a one size fits all solution to at risk regions. Long term, context specific and multilateral commitments must be assessed, proposed and implemented before the underlying causes of conflict have reached stages where mass violence is imminent. Carrot and stick inducements are recommended to engage international regimes who are at risk of perpetrating mass violence. Power sharing, democratic transition, enhancing rule of law, economic and legal empowerment and free media are categorical strategies recommended for high-risk states…“to assist them in moving away from conflict and impunity towards accountability”.

Chapter 4 , “Preventative Diplomacy” acknowledges the “impeded effective action in the past” of U.S. efforts to halt and reverse escalating threats of mass atrocities and recommends a number of reforms to enhance responsiveness. Recognition of the calculations of “national interest” as an overriding influence on U.S. policy and action in contrast to our moral or humanitarian concerns with regards to at risk regions has led to diplomatic dilemmas where available policy choices have limited U.S effectiveness to save lives in conflict ridden situations. Successful diplomacy, largely based on the recommendations in chapters 2 and 3 are reiterated to tackle the “formidable barrier of national sovereignty and nonintervention. The language in the “responsibility to protect” document is again called upon as a legitimate basis for overriding national sovereignty for the purpose of preventative action. Decision making structures, coordinated policy planning, cooperative and coercive tools in the areas of diplomacy, economy, legal and military intervention are recommended as general strategic measures. A key component of this section is the recommendation of the establishment of an Atrocities Prevention Committee to meet bi-monthly to review status and coordinate preventative action and a crisis response plan for at risk regions.

Chapter 5, “Employing Military Options” tackles the major challenge of “determining whether, when and how to use military force to prevent or counter the escalation of violence to the level of genocide”. The task force urges leaders to “consider how military assets can be employed toward these objectives.” Citing the emphasis on prevention throughout the report, the committee acknowledges that the success of non military preventative measures may not always work. “Preventing or halting genocide may, at times, require the nonconsensual use of force”. The challenges inherent in military intervention include the dilemma of “taking sides” in determining genocide in the context of a broader armed conflict, and better understanding of the range of military options that can help prevent or stop genocide. It is recommended that the weighty decision to intervene militarily be considered in within “modern international legal and political structures”. The practicalities of assessing and utilizing an array of military operations with respect to basic public security and the intention of a mission are outlined in this chapter. The Department of Defense is specifically called upon to develop tools to prevent or respond to genocide where a “lack of training, doctrine and scenarios to prepare for a mission where force is required to protect civilians exists”. Coordinating military operations within the broader strategic framework of preparedness for genocide response is the critical recommendation of the task force for effective interruption of mass violence. Working with the five multinational organizations that have authority to use military force to help prevent and halt genocide is recommended to “combine political will, international legitimacy and operational capacity”. A clear strategy, international partners and ongoing vigorous diplomacy throughout intervention is critical for long term peace building in post conflict development.

Chapter 6, “International Action” implores the international community to consider the costs of inaction as the tragedies of mass atrocity have mounted in this century alone, to consume the lives of tens of millions. The committee places its report in the context of overwhelming “international indifference or inability to act effectively to prevent mass atrocities”. Furthermore, the committee asserts that with “a strong normative framework and capable international institutions” halting genocide is possible. Leadership within the U.S. government, U.N. Security Council, NATO and other internationally recognized peace keeping forces to advance the normative principle of “the responsibility to protect” is cited as the most important collective principle that can be used to assist individual states to prevent mass atrocity. Finally, the committee cites a “revolution in conscience” emerging around the world with the “responsibility to protect” being adopted in new human rights charters across South East Asian Nations and the European Union. Multinational corporations are recognizing their role in facilitating potential atrocities of at risk governments and the leverage they have in promoting responsible behavior. And the prosecutorial powers of the International Criminal Court to bring to justice the mass murderers of our time cannot be underestimated in its nascent power to deter future criminals and inspire judicial action in courts around the world. A bevy of recommendations to inaugurate and implement the content of this task force closes this chapter.

On a final note regarding “The Responsibility to Protect” (R2P): Since its first release in 2001 skepticism and criticism among diplomats, policy makers and experts has hindered the prompt implementation of the language of this doctrine. Its generality has been debated and criticized for its non-effectiveness in adequately providing practical implementation or a framework for action. Coming from the standpoint of an average citizen, the language of “responsibility to protect” is plain and sensible language which I would apply to myself under the rule of any government. I certainly expect my government to take “the responsibility to protect” my safety with regards to genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing or crimes against humanity. This is practical, ordinary language which appears to me to be a necessary first step in creating normative institutions which prevent the crimes of genocide. I am relieved that the Genocide Prevention Task Force has incorporated the proclamation of the R2P language into the core of its recommendations. The definition of “genocide” has undergone a similar rocky, disputed and easily dismissed path. 60 years after the first official declaration of the crimes of genocide by the UN the declaration of ‘the responsibility to protect” is becoming working language which can be utilized towards prevention of these crimes. Let us hope we do not have to wait another 60 years before we witness the eradication of genocide and the “responsibility to protect” as a universally accepted principle for governing bodies around the world protecting the lives of their citizens.

An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure!

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