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Showing posts with label Armenian Genocide. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Armenian Genocide. Show all posts

Friday, October 29, 2010

Suspected Mass Killings - Call them Democide, Politicide, or maybe Genocide in North Korea

Report on a Leading Member of the Axis of Genocide
With a GPN Timeline of Resolutions on Human Rights in North Korea

A report, addressing the suspected mass killings and other human rights atrocities, committed by the totalitarian regime of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, since its establishment in 1948

Yael Stein and Elihu D Richter



Information gathered from dissidents and refugees has given the West a fairly clear picture of severe human rights violations committed by North Korea's totalitarian regime, notably mass killing, using methods very similar to those of Stalin and Mao. North Korea’s human rights record is dismal but details about the secretive hermit state are not readily available. Mass killings and summary public executions are repeated major violations. Human rights abuses include arbitrary and lengthy imprisonment, torture and degrading treatment, poor prison conditions, prohibitions or severe restrictions on freedom of speech, the press, movement, assembly, religion, and privacy, denial of the right of citizens to change their government, and suppression of workers’ rights. Witnesses have described watching entire families being put in glass chambers and gassed. They were left to an agonizing death, while scientists watched on and took notes. IF genocide results from human choice and bystander indifference, it remains for the outside world to put North Korea’s leaders on notice, that they will eventually face the same fate as the Khmer Rouge.



Threats of mass murder – violations of the most basic human right – the Right to Life

Between 1948 and 1987, during Kim Il-Sung’s rule, the world knew very little about what was going on behind the closed doors of Kim Il-Sung’s communist totalitarian regime. But gradually, more and more information gathered from dissidents and refugees has given the West a fairly clear picture of severe human rights violations committed by North Korea's totalitarian regime, notably mass killing, using methods very similar to those of Stalin and Mao.

Political scientist, R. J. Rummel, of the University of Hawaii, has proposed an inclusive word, democide, for all forms of mass killing. Demo stands for people, as in the word democracy, and cide for killing, as in homocide or genocide. Rummel’s concern is that when we differentiate between different forms of mass killing—for example, when we distinguish between genocide, politicide and mass murder—the definition of any one category, however correct or useful it may be, may lead us to be unaware or forget that millions more of innocent human beings have been murdered by governments, and that a true picture must include all killings of masses of unarmed peoples by governments. In addition, Rummel is concerned with preserving the original definition of genocide as the killing of persons because of group membership. In order to provide an inclusive word for all mass killings by governments, Rummel has given us the concept of democide.

Based on calculations and assessments, R.J. Rummel estimates 710,000 to slightly over 3,500,000 people murdered between 1948 and 1987 (mid-estimate: 1,600,000, in what he calls the "North Korean Democide". He estimates 510,000 as killed during the Korean War other than those killed in battle (1950-1953).

Prisoners of War - Thousands were murdered by the North Koreans, and up to 50,000 prisoners were forced to join the North Korean military. Citing researchers Don Lawson and Robert Leckie, Rummel concludes that North Koreans killed some 10,000-18,000 South Korean and American Prisoners of War and forced 400,000 South Koreans into their army, who were then allocated the most dangerous tasks – of these, an estimated 225,000 were killed. Prisoners were later forced to work in concentration camps, and, of these, an estimated 265,000 were killed or died in the North Korean camps, at a rate of 6,700 prisoners per year.

Civilians - Besides those killed in war, the party imposed hard labor (corv×™e labor) on millions of citizens. Thousands or even tens of thousands of citizens were ordered to leave their homes for months at a time, to work on building projects in remote areas of the country. With very poor living and labor conditions, the death rate of this forced labor was as high as 20-30%. Others may have been executed for anti-party behavior or non-cooperation. Citizens considered "hostile" to the regime were punished by forced labor in labor camps, with a similar death rate. The estimates sum up to almost 1,000,000 hard laborers killed, over 25,000 a year.

Background

North Korea, officially the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), is a highly centralized single party state, controlled rigidly by the communist Korean Workers' Party (KWP) since its establishment in 1948. A few minor political parties are allowed to exist in name only, but the government controls all activity. Media and News agencies are controlled and censored. North Korea is ranked second to last on the World Press Freedom Index. Highly secretive, it is known as the Hermit State. North Korea is defiantly solitary, run on a principle known as "Juche," a brand of Stalinism emphasizing national self-reliance.

In 2002, United States president George W. Bush labeled North Korea part of an "axis of evil," together with Iraq and Iran, and later as an "outpost of tyranny". In 2008, after North Korea agreed to nuclear inspection demands, the country was removed from the "black list" of state sponsored terrorism. The agreement was criticized by many. At the time, both US Republican and Democratic presidential candidates, John McCain and Barack Obama, expressed concerns and warned that if the terms were not met, there would be immediate consequences. Indeed, North Korea indeed has not met the terms of this agreement.

The country's constitution was created in 1948, and then revised in 1972, 1992, 1998, and again in 2009.

Kim Il-sung ruled North Korea from 1948 until his death in July 1994. Since then, the country has been ruled by his son Kim Jong-il. Both leaders have been using a cult of personality to enforce their rule. Kim Il-sung’s title was "Great Leader," and his son, Kim Jong-il, is "Dear Leader". Current reports confirm that Kim Jong-il has assigned his third son, 26 year old Kim Jong-Un, to be the next leader, establishing dynastic rule. The leader's son had taken up a low-level post at the National Defense Commission, and recently was promoted to the rank of general.

Economy on the Brink of Recurrent Famine

North Korea's economy declined sharply in the 1990s with the end of communism in Eastern Europe. Gross national income per capita is estimated to have fallen by about one-third between 1990 and 2002. There has been some restabilization since then, traced especially to renewed North-South Korean economic cooperation, but the practical effect on living conditions is modest.

During Kim Jong-Il's rule, in the 1990's North Korea suffered one of the worst famines of the 20th century, initially brought about by natural causes. It is estimated that, up to 1 million people, about 3 to 5 percent of the country's population, perished of hunger. Genocide scholars suggest that the mass famine was not random, and that the distribution of food was exploited for the regime's needs, withholding food from some populations who were not supporters of the regime and leaving them to starve – a Stalinist method well known and much used by USSR and by China in the past. Kim himself denied that the famine even existed.

Today North Korea appears to be near famine and mass hunger again. Renewed provision of aid is likely to lessen the scale and severity of famine compared to the 1990s, but hunger-related deaths have already been reported to occur.

According to researchers, in 2005, the North Korean government declared private trade in grain illegal, causing many families to lose an important source of food. The government confiscated grain in rural areas and sought to revive state-run quantity rationing systems, but did not succeed at large. It even threatened to expel the World Food Programme (WFP). Although most of North Korea's grain is produced domestically, production is dependent of fertilizer shipments from abroad, notably South Korea. South Korea had been supplying fertilizer to North Korea as part of renewed inter-Korean interaction (South Korea's Sunshine Policy). But since North Korea's nuclear tests in 2006, South Korea suspended these shipments of fertilizer. With global aid down following sanctions, there is again a shortage of food. The regime's weak economy makes it unlikely that it will be able to import commercial amounts of food. Floods in Southwest agricultural regions in August 2007 have worsened the situation substantially.

North Korea devotes a disproportionately large percentage of its gross domestic product to its military purposes, another factor contributing to its economic difficulties. It also reportedly exports know-how to other members of the axis of genocide, notably Iran and Syria. Reports say that currently, North Korean industry is operating at a small fraction of its potential capacity due to lack of fuel and spare parts.

In December 2009, North Korea redenominated its currency at a rate of 100 to 1 and implemented new laws, banning the use or possession of foreign currency, regulating consumption and controlling the market. Money belonging to private traders has been confiscated. Inflation has risen.

A former finance official, Pak Nam-gi, was reportedly executed by a firing squad in Pyongyang. Yonhap News reported that he was charged with treason for "intentionally ruining the national economy," and held responsible for the failed currency reform and the growing public unrest over the faltering economy. According to the report, many North Koreans believe he was made a scapegoat.

A UNICEF report from 2009, cited also by the World Food Programme (WFP), states that one third of North Korean women and children are malnourished. According to this report, the country will need almost 1.8 tons of food this year to meet the most basic food needs of 24 million North Korean population.
UNICEF reports high percentages of child mortality (55 /1,000 live births), chronic malnutrition among children under age five (37%) and malnutrition of pregnant women (32%). The suggested causes are prolonged poverty, under-resourced health systems, decaying water and sanitation infrastructure, inadequate caring practices for young children and pregnant women, and fragile food security. The report sums that 2 million children under age five and 400,000 pregnant women are relying on international aid.

North Korea’s major trading partners are China, South Korea, Singapore, India, and Russia.

Other Human Rights Violations

North Korea’s human rights record is dismal but details about the secretive hermit state are not readily available.

Mass killings and summary public executions are the major violations. Human rights abuses include arbitrary and lengthy imprisonment, torture and degrading treatment, poor prison conditions, prohibitions or severe restrictions on freedom of speech, the press, movement, assembly, religion, and privacy, denial of the right of citizens to change their government, and suppression of workers’ rights.

In 2003, NBC News revealed that North Korea’ s State Security Agency maintains a dozen political prisons and about 30 forced labor and labor education camps in remote areas of the country. Most information comes from defectors, refugees and escapees. The worst are in the far North of North Korea, near the borders with China and Russia. They assessed that in 2003, these camps held around 200,000 men, women and children accused of political crimes.

The investigation, which was assisted by US and South Korean officials, included interviews with former prisoners, guards and who had been working or imprisoned in one of these camps between the years 1987-1994. It revealed horrifying and shocking conditions in these camps. This information has been verified by additional sources, escaped prisoners and refugees.

Satellite photos provided by DigitalGlobe confirm the existence of the camps. These photos are available on NBC News website (first appeared in the Far Eastern Economic Review). The photos show military-style arracks, and the camp is surrounded by a high barbed-wire fence, with landmines and man traps, and a battery of anti-aircraft guns close-by.

At least two camps, Haengyong and Huaong, are very large. These camps have been compared to the Gulags of Mao and Stalin. Reportedly, what are perhaps the most atrocious human rights violations in the world are happening behind these walls, possibly even today.

Many women and children are imprisoned in these camps, because in North Korea three generations of a dissident’s family can be jailed simply on the basis of a denunciation. A child could be imprisoned for years under appalling conditions and hard labor because of some political statement made by his grandfather, not necessarily outright anti-regime activism. For example, a former prisoner, Kang Chol-Hwan, now a journalist in South Korean newspaper and author of “The Aquariums of Pyongyang,” was imprisoned for almost ten years, since the age of 9, with his entire family, because his grandfather had made complimentary statements about Japanese capitalism.

The concentration camps have detention centers, specific spots where executions are decided on, and training and recreation areas for the guards.
Prisoners are held in these camps for years, moving from job to job according to their age and size. In general, the working conditions are described as such that 20-25% of the prison population did not survive the first year. For example, children might be forced to dig for clay or work in building sites, or people would work to exhaustion in giant pits.

In 1985, Oh Kil-nam, an opponent of the South Korean Government, living in Germany at the time, received an offer of a government job in North Korea and medical treatment of his wife's hepatitis. He agreed to the offer, despite his family's objections, and realized his mistake when on arrival he was led to a military camp. Oh was later sent back to Germany to recruit more students for North Korea, but following his wife's request this time, did not recruit any new people, but instead defected to the West and did not return. After he left, his family was sent to Camp No.15. They have reportedly been moved to a section of the camp where prisoners are made to work until they die. Nineteen years ago, Oh received some letters in his wife's handwriting and a recording of his daughters' voices. He doesn't know if they are still alive today. He blames himself for their suffering. In the 1990 Oh Kil-nam wrote a book requesting the release of his family, but to no avail.

A Washington Post report from Feb 2010 brings evidence, through a Seoul-based human rights group called "Democracy Network Against the North Korean Gulag," and evidence collected from former prisoners who saw the family. The report claims that according to the latest estimate by the South Korean government, about 154,000 people are being held in six large camps in North Korea. Public executions are common in the camp, along with beatings, rapes, starvation and the disappearance of female prisoners impregnated by guards. Prisoners have no access to soap, underwear, socks, tampons or toilet paper. Most inmates die by age 50, usually of illnesses exacerbated by overwork and chronic hunger.

Torture

Several dissident former prison-camp guards from different camps explained that the guards were taught to treat the prisoners as if they were not human beings. They were “encouraged and even rewarded” with prizes such as college tuition, for killing prisoners trying to escape.

Beatings and deaths were everyday events which the guards grew used to executing. Prisoners were tortured, sometimes their eyeballs would be taken out by beating, or salt would be applied to open wounds with exposed bones, to make the prisoners suffer.

Pregnant women were forced to abort their babies, by inserting salt water into the women’s wombs with syringes. If the babies were born, they would be killed immediately brutally. Prisoners mentioned that this was done “so that another generation of political dissidents will be eradicated.”

Some of the former prisoners mentioned testing of biological and chemical warfare agents on camp inmates.

One prisoner described an event in which a group of about 50 prisoners were given a leaf of cabbage to eat. “All who ate the cabbage leaves started violently vomiting blood and screaming with pain. It was hell. In less than 20 minutes they were quite dead.”

Glass “gas chambers” were also described. Witnesses have described watching entire families being put in glass chambers and gassed. They were left to an agonizing death, while scientists watched on and took notes.

A BBC documentary interviews the former military attaché at the North Korean Embassy in Beijing, Kwon Hyuk (changed name), who was also the chief of management at Camp 22, which is thought to hold 50,000 prisoners. He described watching a whole family, parents and two children, being tested on suffocating gas and dying in the gas chamber. He said "the parents were vomiting and dying, but till the very last moment they tried to save kids by doing mouth-to-mouth breathing." He also drew detailed diagrams of the glass chambers, including the gas injection tube.

The experiments were methodical, as is proven in documents smuggled by dissidents, for example a document dated February 2002: "The above person is transferred from ... camp number 22 for the purpose of human experimentation of liquid gas for chemical weapons."

Hyuk explained that everyone at the camps, including himself, had been taught to believe this treatment was justified. North Korea’s regime and society blamed these political prisoners for the country’s failing economy and all of its other problems. He said the prison guards were trained so as not to feel any sympathy towards these prisoners, even when watching children suffering a painful death.

Another source of evidence from 2004 is a man who defected to China, Kang Byong-sop, who claimed he was an engineer at a chemical factory where testing of chemical weapons on political prisoners took place. Kang was later detained in China when trying to cross the border to Laos, and was returned to North Korea. Later, at a press conference with his family in Pyongyang, Kang Byong-sop said that all the information he had given the west had been faked by his eldest son, who had escaped abroad, in order to make money from human rights organizations.

Abductions

North Korea has been involved in the abduction of foreign citizens. Citizens have been reportedly abducted from 12 different countries: South Korea, Japan, Thailand, Romania, China, Lebanon, Malaysia, France, the Netherlands, Singapore, Italy, and Jordan.

In 2002, Kim Jong-il acknowledged to Japanese Prime Minister, Koizumi, the involvement of North Korea "special institutions" in the kidnapping of Japanese citizens between 1977 and 1983, and said that those responsible had been punished. In October 2002, five surviving victims and their families were allowed to leave North Korea and resettle in Japan. Many other cases are unresolved. In October 2005, North Korea acknowledged for the first time having kidnapped South Korean citizens in previous decades, and noted that several abductees, as well as several POWs from the Korean War, were still alive.

In April 2010, an American citizen, an English teacher in South Korea, Aijalon Mahli Gomes, aged 30, was sentenced to eight years of hard labor and a $700,000 fine for illegally crossing the border to North Korea. He was the fourth American detained by North Korea for illegal entry in less than a year. Three other Americans had crossed into North Korea since March 2009. Journalists Laura Ling and Euna Lee were held captive for five months and sentenced to 12 years in a North Korean labor camp. All were freed after diplomatic negotiations, including a visit by former President Bill Clinton.

In August 2009 activist Robert Park, an American citizen and a conscious Christian activist, was allowed to return home, some 40 days after he crossed the border into North Korea. Park had aimed to focus world attention on human rights in North Korea, in order to liberate the concentration camps. However, when he returned home, he was quoted saying that "His understanding of North Korea had been tarnished by ‘false propaganda made by the west.’"

Escapees

Tens of thousands of North Koreans have tried to flee to China, whether to escape political detention or in search of food and new opportunities. According to South Korea's Unification Ministry, more than 16,000 North Koreans have defected to South Korea since the end of the 1950-53 Korean War, most of them in the past 10 years, with the number rising every year, estimated at around 2,800 people in 2008. Nearly two thirds of them are women.

Making contact with the outside world is considered the most dangerous crime to the regime of Kim Jung-iI. If people are caught trying to leave North Korea, they risk being shot on the spot, or arrested for indefinite periods and possibly eventually executed.

Defectors exit the country aided by smugglers and try to reach a safe haven. They cross the Chinese border, or pay smugglers to take them to Russia, Laos, Thailand or Vietnam. South Korean organizations help dissidents reach South Korea. If arrested by the Chinese police, the escapees are usually returned to North Korea, where they and their family members face the punishments listed above. Other embassies usually do not send the defectors back.

Some escapees are executed publicly. In such cases, party officials compel all the inhabitants of nearby villages, including children, to be present at the passing of the sentence. An undercover video, smuggled out of North Korea, reached CNN and brings evidence of such a public execution.

In the film, the death sentence is read out: “Those who go against their party and their people will end up with a fate such as this. They have been involved in the illegal act of aiding people to defect the country. They trafficked women across the border to China. We have to protect North Korea from the outside influence and build up a strong guard to keep these influences out.” Then, three policemen with rifles are seen from a distance, shooting a prisoner tied to a pole.

A Reuters report described a public execution of 15 North Koreans in Feb 2008 on charges of trafficking and movement out of the country.

North Korea reportedly has a kidnapping unit, which kidnaps and returns defectors and their helpers, under the direction of the head of the Conspiracy Research Office of the North Korean National Security Agency in North Hamkyung Province.

Human "Trafficking"

North Koreans who escape the country cross its long border with China, or escape by sea. According to reports, many of those caught by guards at the Chinese border, especially women defectors, face more suffering. Many women caught escaping North Korea are sold to slavery, "trafficked", for marriage or as live-in labor. If they escaped North Korea with children or other family members, they are often separated from them forcefully.

The Washington Post, June 2009, tells the story of several women who were sold for marriage in China and have eventually managed to escape to South Korea. North Korean former actress Bang Mi Sun, when crossing the Chinese border in 2002, was separated from her two children and sold into marriage three times. On her third escape, Chinese police arrested her and sent her back to North Korea, where the police maimed her left leg and sent her to a labor camp "for reeducation". In 2004 she succeeded to flee to South Korea.

Another North Korean woman defector, Kim Young Ae, was held in China for 8 years and forcefully married to 3 husbands. A child she had by the first man drowned in a creek; and her son by her third "husband" is being withheld from her by his Chinese family.

The National Human Rights Commission conducted a survey of 274 women defectors escaped from North Korea now living in South Korea. Nearly 20 percent of the women said that they had been forced into sexual favors or bribes when caught by patrollers at the Chinese border. According to the commission's report, data from the Unification Ministry last year showed that six out of ten North Korean female defectors who entered Hanawon from 2003 to August of 2008 were diagnosed with ovarian or cervical illnesses.

Healthcare

The WHO’s Director General Margaret Chan praised North Korea's healthcare system following her visit there in April 2010, and said there was no lack of professional care and that public health had moved forward. She stressed several challenges, such as malnutrition, low weight among newborns and anemia among pregnant women. But a new report by Amnesty International's Asia-Pacific chapter claims that healthcare provided in North Korea is grossly inadequate.

Citing data from the World Health Organization, the Amnesty report claims North Korea spends less on healthcare than any other country in the world – under US$1 per person per year in total. Based on interviews with 40 dissidents, and information given by medical colleagues from other countries, the report claims that the most basic necessities are missing from North Korean hospitals, such as clean sheets and sterilized hypodermic needles. Many people reportedly suffer from malnutrition and hunger, some claimed to have survived on grass and tree bark. North Korea is said to be fighting a tuberculosis epidemic, many patients having developed resistance to first-line drugs. Many drugs available in the past have now been removed from hospitals.

Despite North Korea's claim that its healthcare is free for all, the report says people must pay or bribe the physicians with food or cigarettes for checkups and pay cash for surgery or tests.

China as an Enabler

The Chinese have been an enabling partner to many of North Korea's human rights violations. Without such devout cooperation, many more defectors would have succeeded in escaping to freedom.

The Chinese police and border guards hunt for defectors, arrest them and force them back to North Korea, where they face either execution or life-threatening conditions and torture in prisons and labor camps.
For example, in October 2009, Reuters reported that a daughter and granddaughter of a South Korean prisoner of war who escaped the North ten years ago were arrested in Shenyang, China and returned to North Korea.

More than a passive bystander, China helps North Korea enforce its brutal policy and even whitewash some of its human right violations. For example, some products produced by prisoners in labor camps are later marketed globally, passing through Chinese companies on the way for "authentication".


What should be done

North Korea is a key actor in what has been called the Axis of Evil and today can be called the Axis of Genocide. This group of state perpetrators of genocide promotes repression of elementary human rights, and incites to hatred towards democratic states. This group includes Iran, Syria, North Korea, Sudan, and Zimbabwe. China and Russia serve as protectors and enablers. Venezuela, Cuba, and Libya are major accomplices.

We find it disturbing that these countries, as a group, often vote against pro-democratic resolutions at the United Nations General Assembly or UN Security Council, or initiate and vote in favour of anti-democratic resolutions.

GPN WGSR will examine and discuss this point and examine its operational implications for those concerned with preventing genocide in forthcoming issues.

Genocide: The UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide specifies four categories of victims: those defined by national, religious, ethnic or racial status. It omits those categorized by political status. This omission was mainly the result of the former USSR’s pressure. The aim and indeed the result of this pressure was to exempt perpetrators of mass-murder of political groupings from prosecution for genocide, starting with the Soviet’s use of starvation to murder the Ukrainians. The Cambodian Tribunal has established a precedent for breaking this exemption — and its rulings therefore bear direct importance on measures to hold the North Korean leadership accountable for their crimes. Despite the omission, today there is enough evidence to indict North Korea's leader, and his party, for crimes against humanity – see table of resolutions.

Currently, the regime requires outside aid from the free world and possibly China to survive. Were it to disintegrate, one can expect upheavals and chaos dwarfing that seen in the Central Asian Republics and Eastern Europe in the wake of the breakup of the Soviet Union. This scenario is expected because there is so much more suffering, oppression and brutality in North Korea, a “pressure cooker”… The challenge is to foster a transition which will result in the end of totalitarian rule, removing the nuclear threat, feeding the population, and somehow or another providing some kind of stable rule. There are no easy answers to the question: How to go about doing this? China has not been constructive, as it fears the consequences of disintegration of North Korea – currently a rogue hermit state -- which means refugees, unrest, civil war, and terror, including possibly nuclear terror.

North Korea is currently trying to create a new image for itself. It participated in the World Cup competition. It has produced a government web site, (even though the general population of the country has no access to the internet), and is making attempt to foster international tourism.

It is impossible to call by cell phone from South Korea to North Korea, but Chinese handsets can be used to call into North Korea. These are available through Chinese smugglers. It is highly likely that many in its population know far more about what is going on outside its borders than the government wants.

IF genocide results from human choice and bystander indifference, it remains for the outside world to put North Korea’s leaders on notice, that they will eventually face the same fate as the Khmer Rouge.

Yael Stein MD is a researcher-team member of the World Genocide Situation Room, the website of the Institute on the Holocaust and Genocide in Jerusalem of GPN. She has experience in Occupational Medicine, Epidemiology and Hospital Administration and is currently studying towards a PhD degree in Public Health at the Hebrew University-Hadassah School of Public Health and Community Medicine. Yael describes herself as a "goal-oriented, idealistic entrepreneur, seeking spiritual and ethical fulfillment" in her work; "I focus on making a difference."

Professor Elihu D Richter MD MPH is Editor and Director of GPN World Genocide Situation Room and Associate Director of the Institute on the Holocaust and Genocide in Jerusalem. He is Head of the Genocide Prevention Program at Hebrew University-Hadassah School of Public Health and Community Medicine and former head of the Unit of Occupational and Environmental Medicine. He has published and lectured on the use of public health models for the prediction and prevention of genocide.

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Thursday, October 28, 2010

Holocaust and Genocide Education in Israel



Including a Sad Story of Exclusivity for the Holocaust, and a Happy Story of One University Program in Israel About the Genocides of Many Peoples
Yair Auron
The struggle about knowing and remembering the acts of genocide has a unique significance in the case of the State of Israel - a country of people who were the victims of the Holocaust. Israel must hope and work for finding a more suitable balance between the Zionist, Jewish and universal lessons learned from the Holocaust. Even in teaching the Shoah and inculcating the coming generations with its memory, the basic approach has to be that the value of human life is the same for all humans, whether Jews, Roma (Gypsies), Armenian or Palestinians. I believe that it is essential to develop a greater sensitivity among Israeli youth to the suffering of others and to strengthen universal, humanistic values, which are well grounded in the best of Jewish tradition.

This essay describes a program for teaching about genocide in two university level courses at the Open University in Israel which achieve these goals very successfully. The program includes publication of a series of 12 new textbooks in Hebrew on genocide -- as a process and in respect of different cases of genocides of several peoples.


The struggle about knowing and remembering the acts of genocide has a unique significance in the case of the State of Israel – a country of people who were the victims of the Holocaust. The ethos and the policy of the State of Israel since its creation have moved between two poles. On one hand is the wish to be "a light unto the nations," to support underdeveloped countries, to share progress in science and medicine, and to display the willingness of the new state to achieve its place among the family of nations based on universalistic values of peace and justice.

On the other hand is the feeling that the world, even the whole world "is against us," as was exhibited by anti-Semitism, condemnation of Israel in the U.N., and breaking off the diplomatic relations with Israel by many countries especially during the 1970s. For many years the dominant attitude of the Israeli governments towards genocides of other people was, generally speaking, an ethnocentric, pragmatic, realistic, abusive and cynical one. Israel among others has not recognized the Armenian Genocide. The cynical attitude can be seen also in the attitude of Israel towards the genocides in Rwanda, the former Yugoslavia, and the ethnocide in Tibet.

The way in which the Holocaust and other genocides are taught in Israel is crucial and it is influenced by the concept which is promoted by many circles in Israel of the uniqueness of the Holocaust in world history.

It could have been simple. Part of the struggle against the occurrence of any case of genocide in the future is education, so that it would "never happen again," although, surely, teaching is not enough. But the reality of education about the Holocaust and genocide in Israel is, of course, much more complex.

Teaching the Holocaust in Israel
Two forces have led to the attitude of the state of Israel and its leading institutions toward teaching and remembering other acts of genocide than the Holocaust: a) the pressure of the Turkish government regarding remembering and teaching the Armenian Genocide, and b) the opposition of several high-powered Jewish-Israeli groups who are afraid that dealing with other genocides could damage the concept of the uniqueness of the Shoah.

The terrible tragedies that befell the Jews at the hands of Nazi Germany became, historically, an important element of Jewish and Zionist education. The educational institutions of the secular Jewish community in Israel, both before and after the establishment of the State of Israel, undertook the mission of constructing "the new Jew" as a moral, conceptual and political entity. Building the newly constructed Israeli collective was considered after the Holocaust, the continuation of the struggle for survival. After the end of World War II, Zionist historiography used knowledge about the Holocaust as part of building a Zionist moral education. The hegemonic version of Holocaust memories became the central educative apparatus. Historical memory was mobilized for constructing the new Jew as one whose ethnocentric collective identity would be ensured by a particular historical memory in which the term "Auschwitz" was understood as not realizing the essence of modern Jewish identity – namely, strong, independent and part of a Jewish sovereign national state. The obligation to remember the Holocaust, that served for the justification of Zionist morality and practice was based on the Hebrew biblical word, zachor.
This "Zachor et asher asah lecha Amalek" ( Remember what Amalek did to you) is part of the formation of the secular halutz and sabra myth in collective Israeli identity.
Some Israeli scholars divide the history of dealing with the issue of the Holocaust in formal educational institutions of Israel into periods according to their orientation. Ruth Firrer and Dalia Ofer make the distinction between the "Zionist Period" (1948-1977) and the "Humanistic Period." (1979 till now). In principle, I myself accept the chronological distinction between the "Zionist period" and the "humanistic period," but I have reservations as to the definition of the second period as a "humanistic period". In my opinion, the humanistic values are not represented enough in what is called a "humanistic period."

In 1979 the Holocaust was introduced as an independent unit in the high-school curriculum, and in 1981 it was introduced as a unit of the matriculation exams.

Dialogue about the Holocaust became more meaningful in the 1980s and 1990s. In 1989, the Ministry of Education initiated a program for high-school students, which included a site visit to Poland and the extermination camps. The program has become common in the last few years – about 25,000 high-school students travel every year to Poland, and a number of studies have demonstrated the strong impact these visits have had on students' understanding of themselves and their Jewish identity.

Essentially, the major dilemmas facing the teaching of the Holocaust in Israel are similar to the dilemmas generally faced by all pedagogues in all subjects: why to teach, what to teach, how to teach, what the student has to remember, how to help him to remember, when to teach, and when to remember. In all cases, the danger is in transforming the Holocaust into an instrument, a means, rather than an end in itself. In my opinion, the Holocaust is not over-taught or over-commemorated in Israel. Rather it is being used for too many goals of Zionist ideology, i.e., renewing the sense of Zionism and Israeli pride among young Israelis. Therefore, the other victims of the Nazis and other genocides are rarely mentioned in Israel.

Concerning teaching other occurrences of genocide in general, and the Armenian Genocide in particular, there has been practically no change over the years, at least in the official attitude. Nothing has been done. I will discuss this further now.

Teaching about Genocide in Israel
Over the years there was one initiative to introduce teaching and remembering other genocides in the Israeli educational system in a program entitled "Awareness of World's Suffering – Genocide in the 20th Century."

It was the conviction of those of us who prepared the study program that Israel has a special moral and political responsibility to place the issue of genocide on the world agenda. We also believe that it is essential to develop sensitivity among our youth to the suffering of others, and to strengthen universal humanistic values.

At first, our proposal was warmly received by the Ministry of Education in Rabin's government (this was November 1993 and the minister was then a member of the Meretz human rights party). The Ministry proposed also that the program be expanded to include the genocide of the Gypsies during the Second World War, and one of the more recent acts of genocide, such as Bosnia or Rwanda. I was also requested by the Ministry to develop a special educational program, designed for high school, seminary and college students, and to plan a supplementary instructive program for teachers. All was set to begin teaching the program in mid-December 1994, with both the blessing and support of the Ministry of Education.

A few weeks before the program was to commence, we were informed that the Minister of Education would personally have to approve the program and that meanwhile it was to be be put on hold. The decision was to depend upon the decision of the Academic Committee on History or by its Chairman. In December of 1994 the Chairman of the Committee decided to reject to proposed program. The official statement was that "from a professional point of view" the program was unsuitable and should be immediately abolished.

The protest in the press was stormy. The Ministry of Education was accused of succumbing to political pressure and using a thin "fig leaf" of pedagogical reasons to justify its action. Things became more apparent when the protocol of the meeting of the Academic Committee became available to the press. At that meeting, which had been held on 19 January 1995, one professor rejected the course claiming "We do not foster sensitivity, we teach," and that the place for education of values is in the youth movements and not in the schools. The main thrust of the criticism was that the presentation of the Armenian Genocide was not balanced. [Ed note: The Chair was a Professor Abitboul. In reading the text of his decision to cancel the program, I was stunned to find he had copied very directly from the writings of an arch French denier of the Holocaust, Giles Veinstein. To add insult, as well as ignorance to the injury, he also cited no less than an outstanding scholar of the Armenian Genocide, Vahakn Dadrian, as a source to justify the conclusion that the telegrams of Talaat, Turkey's Minister of State, authorizing and urging on the genocide were forgeries. -- Israel W. Charny]

At the high school level, as a result of the criticism directed at the Ministry of Education, the minister was quick to state that although the proposed study program was rejected, a different and better program would be prepared and would be ready to be taught in the following school year. Instead of "Awareness of World Suffering," a textbook was prepared entitled "Minorities in History – the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire." This book did not take a stand on the question "Should the murders of the Armenians in the years 1915-1916 be called 'genocide'?" Two views were represented and the question was left open. Ultimately, because of sharp criticism the second program was not implemented. The Ministry of Education then promised that the second program would be corrected, but nothing has been done during the 14 years (in the year 2000 then Minister of Education, Yossi Sarid promised that the Armenian Genocide and the subject of genocide will be taught, but then he lost his post, though not because of this public declaration).

Nonetheless, some history teachers in high-schools teach about the Armenian Genocide on their own initiative when they teach the period of WWI. There are others who teach "Genocide in the 20th Century" as a special subject in one way or another. More than 100 students in two high-schools in Kibbutzim have learned the subject in the framework of their enlarged history courses in the years 1996-1998. Some high-school teachers also choose to use another section of "Awareness of World Suffering," which has a section about the Gypsies overall, practically nothing about the genocide of the Gypsies appears in the curricula in Israel, or in the many textbooks and educational programs about the Holocaust.

We can estimate that on the whole hundreds of high-school and college students are learning in one way or another each year (since 1995) about the genocide including the Armenian one. They and their teachers became aware of the subject, at least partly, because of the public discussion about the program and about the Armenian Genocide in general which does receive a fair amount of recognition in Israeli media.

What can an Israeli high-school student know about the Armenian Genocide through his regular textbooks? The answer is quite clear: practically nothing.

Under these circumstances it is not surprising to discover how little knowledge Israeli students have about other peoples' genocides. A survey which was conducted in 1996 about attitudes toward genocide (the first study that was conducted in Israel on this subject). 800 B.A. students from seven universities and colleges in Israel were asked about their knowledge, feelings and attitudes. Among other questions, they were asked to assess their knowledge about the Armenian Genocide. 42% answered that they did not have any knowledge, 44% that they had little knowledge, 13% that they had some knowledge, and 1% that they are well informed about it. Their answers about their degree of knowledge concerning the genocide of the Roma (Gypsies) were almost the same (36% no knowledge, 49% very little knowledge, 14% some knowledge, and 1% quite a bit of knowledge). I am almost sure that in many other countries the level of knowledge about genocide is also very low, but would have expected -- certainly desired -- that it would be clearly higher in Israelis.

In the last ten years I have given this questionnaire during the first lesson of my course on genocide (an optional B.A.-level course), which was attended by approximately 650 students. The degree of knowledge expressed by the students over the years was practically the same: 85%-90% said they know nothing or very little about the genocide of the Armenians. About the same figure, between 85% and 90%, said they know nothing or very little about the genocide of the Roma.

One of the achievements of the program, from my point of view, is the fact that students are shocked when they discover and internalize the fact that they actually did not know a single thing about the Armenian Genocide. Usually they are shocked and shaken more when they begin to understand, even partly, why they did not know about it. They are even more appalled when they learn about the attitude of the State of Israel toward it.

Certain significant changes have occurred over the years regarding Holocaust education in Israel. Practically no changes have occurred over the years in teaching the other genocides in general, and the Armenian one in particular, at least officially. Furthermore, the formal educational system has claimed in the past that this avoiding of other genocides is what could be defined as "innocent." Actually, after many years of struggle, which has not achieved any practical change, it is clear that the official attitude is a conscious one that wants to insist on the uniqueness, maybe also on the exclusivity, of the Holocaust.

The chances that there will be any changes in the official educational attitude are now more remote than ever. The fact is that the key political forces in Israel that supported the humanistic approach (among others, recognition of the Armenian Genocide and teaching it) have lost their influence. The educational system in Israel is very dependent on the political system. The failure of the Israeli academy in dealing with these issues is of course another reason for the failure in Holocaust and Genocide education in Israel.

Open University's Program of Courses and Textbooks on Genocide
Nonetheless, as noted, there are also encouraging private initiatives of teachers and directors of schools, who have decided to deal with other genocides in their schools. On the one hand, their influence is limited, yet on the other hand they exert long-term influence.

Furthermore, there is an outstanding achievement at the university level - two university-level courses are being studied in the Open University of Israel.

The Pain of Knowledge: Teaching the Holocaust and Genocide in Israel and the World - is an M.A. course in which we have every year more than 20 students. This course has been taught since 2001.

The second, Genocide, has been taught since 2005 and includes analysis and theories concerning the different aspects of the phenomenon of genocide, as well as an analysis of case studies of many genocides. Every year about 600 students have been chosen to study this course, which is an elective. The genocides studied include a variety of cases including the Armenian Genocide, Rwanda and more.

The following appears in the Open University catalogue:

Genocide
Credits: 6 intermediate credits in Political Science or in International Relations or in Sociology and Anthropology
Prerequisites: none
Academic Editor in Chief: Prof. Yair Auron
Authors [of textbooks published by the Open University in Hebrew]:Prof. Yair Auron, Dr. Alek Epstein, Lydia Aran, Prof. Arnon Gutfeld, Dr. Eitan Ginsburg, Dr. Ariel Horowitz, Prof. Israel Charny, Dr. Gilad Margalit, Prof. Benyamin Neuberger.

The course presents the ongoing and recurring phenomenon of genocide as on of the key perspectives of analyzing history since the beginning of the European colonial expansion. The course outlines major outbursts of genocide beginning with the annihilation of the indigenous populations of the Americas during the 16th century up to the end of the 19th century. The course analyzes the destruction of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire during World War I; the attempted extinction of the Jews, Gypsies and people with disabilities by the Nazi regime; genocide and politicide in the U.S.S.R.; genocide and politicide in Cambodia; the destruction of Tibetan Buddhism and traditional way of life by the Chinese, and concludes with the genocide in Rwanda in 1994.

The aim of the course is to show the common features of what are at the same time very different case studies and to analyze them according to different theories. In the process of the study basic sensitivities are developed: sensitivity regarding processes of inclusion and exclusion of populations during the formation and reformation of modern political communities; sensitivities regarding function and dysfunction of third-party participants in outbursts of genocide; and sensitivities regarding the dynamics of collective memory of past genocide events in the formation of national communities and a moral international conscience.

In our experience students have found this course on genocide extremely interesting and enlightening. It was also discovered to be a way of filling in gaps in the students historical knowledge - gaps regarding unknown regions of the world (Africa, the Far East) and gaps regarding unknown process of modernity (colonialism, third world revolutionary movements). Although the phenomenon of genocide is a "dark" prism through which we look at history and political human conduct, the students find it to be a realistic one, as it gives a perspective that comes to term with the dark side of modern dynamics, and it is also a way of becoming familiar with "accidents" of the historical process. An important and meaningful concern is the way in which the international community - the sole moral agent that is capable of reacting and responds to genocide - is constructed.

Open University will have completed publishing a unique series of 12 textbooks on genocide, in Hebrew, for the courses and these books are also made available to the general public. The 12 books (200-250 pages each) deal separately with each case study (the Indians of North America, the Indian people of Spanish America, the Armenian Genocide, Nazi Germany and the Gypsies, the Holocaust, the Rwandan Genocide 1994); while 3 books are dedicated to analytical and comparative perspective: one to the UN Convention regarding the international crime of genocide; one to psychological understanding of perpetrators; and the last one to the phenomena of saviors and active third party participants entitled, "So That I Would Not Be Among the Silent." Each of the case study books is written by a specialist in the history of the specific genocide or the topic of analysis. The diversity of writers also helps to introduce the students to a variety of attitudes and ways of history and academic writing rather than enclosing the students in a narrow perspective and narrative.

Although the course was designed for the Israeli student, most of the texts and issues discussed in the course will require only slight adaptations for the English reading students. The course and the books do not assume prior knowledge, and every one of them can also be read independently (every book has a general introduction about genocide). One exception is the book regarding the Holocaust which naturally takes for granted the students familiarity with the basic narrative. The books are also bought and read by the general public.

Proudly but sadly, Open University is the only university in Israel which teaches genocide studies. We published 12 books on genocide in Hebrew and the university is now seeking to translate the books into English, as it seems that the integrated series on genocide is also quite unique in the world. Last year we conducted a survey among the students, who had finished the course. A majority – 67% said they had learned a lot. Quite large number (39%) said they have changed their understanding of the Holocaust. 46% said that the comparative study of the Holocaust and other genocides changed their conception of the Holocaust and brought them to understand it more than before as a universalistic event. The majority of the students said they understand now much more better the phenomenon of genocide and are more sensitive to suffering in the world. They understand much more the dangers of racism and of genocide. 92% of the students also said that the moral and educative issue of the bystander is a crucial element in the occurrence of acts of genocide and in their prevention.

Students were highly satisfied with the course (an average of 4.3 in comparison to an average of 3.9 in all the courses in the department -- the maximum is 5.).

Below are some letters received from students after they finished the course and passed the examination.

These letters were initiated by students who also filled out an official feedback form given by the university about the course.
  • An amazing course, excellent teaching
  • An amazing semester
  • I looked forward to the lesson every Sunday afternoon
  • An incredibly fascinating semester, interesting and amazing. I think it also helped me find a general direction for a second degree
  • I took this course quite by chance, and was unfamiliar with the subject of genocide until now. My daughter, who is in the army, has also developed an interest in the subject
  • May there be more lecturers and tutors who are able to teach such a difficult and painful subject to the population of students and to provide them with insight into a subject they are unfamiliar with
  • I have no words to describe how fascinating, interesting and thought provoking this course was
  • I waited every week for this lesson
  • I have not stopped recommending this course to as many people as possible, whether to students who can take the course in the framework of their studies, or to others who are not students but simply want to learn a subject that arouses their curiosity and interest
  • The course Genocide deals with sensitive issues that play upon deep emotional chords. I have personally gained a lot from the course and it has lead to many discussions and conversations with friends and family on the subject of genocide
  • I have been meaning to write to you for a while now, to express my deep appreciation for all the volumes of your course at the Open University. There is no doubt that the choice of texts and contents, together with their presentation within the volumes of the course, worked very successfully. Well done! (A lecturer from another university)
  • I’d like to thank you for the course. (Even though I have written this in the feedback form, it was important for me to tell you more personally in an email.) The fascinating and moving course dealt with topics about which I was unfamiliar (or only had a vague idea about); I am completing my master’s degree in Computer Science, a completely different field altogether
  • This was one of the most amazing, fascinating and stirring courses I have ever taken (especially in light of the fact that I took the course by default).
  • During my studies at the Open University I have had – and still have – about 20 different tutors. You are without a doubt one of the best (if not the best) among them.
  • Thanks to you the course turned into a great learning experience which is not easy to expect from a course on Genocide.

Conclusion
I believe that it is essential to develop a greater sensitivity among Israeli youth to the suffering of others and to strengthen universal, humanistic values, which are well grounded – I believe – in the best of Jewish tradition. The Shoah constitutes an important and central component – as we have seen – in Jewish identity.

I argue that Israel must hope and work for finding a more suitable balance between the Zionist, Jewish and universal lessons learned from the Holocaust. Even in teaching the Shoah and inculcating the coming generations with its memory, the basic approach has to be that the value of human life is the same for all humans, whether Jews, Roma (Gypsies), Armenian or Palestinians. The way to work towards this goal is to combine basic principles which seem apparently contradictory: on one hand, emphasizing the unique historical characteristics of the Shoah and its uniqueness for us as Jews; on the other, sensitively and even emphatically relating to the catastrophes of others and to other genocides in history. This is the integration between the unique and the universal for which we must struggle.

Yair Auron is a professor in the field of genocide and contemporary Judaism at the Open University of Israel and the Kibbutzim College of Education.

Professor Auron has published numerous books and essays, mainly on genocide and on Jewish identity in Israel and Europe. He is the author of books in Hebrew such as Between Paris and Jerusalem (Selected Passages of Contemporary Jewish Thought in France); Jewish-Israeli Identity; Sensitivity to World Suffering: Genocide in the 20th Century; and We Are All German Jews: Jewish Radicals in France During the 60s and 70s (also in French). His book The Banality of Indifference: Zionism and the Armenian Genocide was published in both Hebrew and English (Transaction Publishers, 2000). His book, The Banality of Denial: Israel and the Armenian Genocide was published in Hebrew and English (Transaction Publishers 2003).

Most recently, Auron is co-author of A Perfect Injustice: Genocide and the Theft of Armenian Wealth (Transaction Publishers, 2009) with Hrayr S. Karagueuzian. He is currently editing for the Open University a series of twelve books in Hebrew entitled Genocide, which includes theoretical volumes concerning the phenomenon of genocide as well as an analysis of case studies such as the Holocaust, the genocide of the Gypsies, the Armenian genocide and other historical and contemporary genocides such as Rwanda, Tibet and Indian population of the Americas. In this series, he published in 2009 Reflections on the Inconceivable: Theoretical Aspects of Genocide Studies, and in 2007 The Armenian Genocide: Forgetting and Denying. In 2006, his book Genocide: So That I Will Not Be among the Silent, was also published in this series. His book Israeli Identities: Jews and Arabs Facing Mirror and the Other in 2010 is published in Israel by Resling and in a few months will be published in English in the United States by Berghahn Books.

List of the Books in the Open University Series on Genocide Studies

Volume 1: Yair Auron, Thought on the Inconceivable: Theoretical Aspects of Genocide Studies
Volume 2: Yair Auron, Issac Lubelski (Editors). Racism and Genocide
Volume 3: Arnon Gutful, Genocide in the "Land of Free" - The Indians of North America 1776-189.
Volume 4: Eitan Ginsburg, Conflict and Encounter: The Destruction of the Indian Peoples of Spanish America
Volume 5: Yair Auron, The Armenian Genocide: Forgetting and Denying
Volume 6: Ariel Hurwitz, HurbanThe Destruction of the Jews by the Nazi Germany
Volume 7: Gilad Margalit, Nazi Germany and the Gypsies
Volume 8: Benyamin Neuberger, Rwanda 1994 – Genocide in the "Land of Thousand Hills"
Volume 9: Lydia Aran, Tibet 1950 -2000: Destroying a Civilization
Volume 10: Alek Epstein, Political and Ethnic Cleansings in USSR, 1912-1953
Volume 11: Israel W. Charny, "And You Must Destroy the Evil Inside of You": We are the Human Beings who Commit Holocaust and Genocide
Volume 12: Yair Auron, So That I Wouldn't Be Among the Silent

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Israel Awaits Knesset Consideration of Armenian Genocide


Editor's Note: As reported In GPN, the Israeli Knesset is due to hold a hearing about the Armenian Genocide following a successful vote in the Knesset. Holding the debate itself is considered a significant success, according to informed observers who openly support recognition of the Armenian Genocide. However, there is little basis for hoping that the resolution will be voted favorably by the Knesset Committee.

The California Courier reported as follows:

The discussion about the Armenian Genocide and the need to recognize it should have taken place in the Knesset a long time ago, said Haim Oron, Knesset member and the head of Meretz party.

"I think that as sons of the Jewish People that knew the Holocaust and constantly fighting against those who deny the Holocaust, it's impossible to accept any disregarding of the Armenian Genocide. I hope that one day this recognition will be possible because we have a moral and educational duty to this subject, especially in this time when Israel keeps stressing the need to preserve the memory of the Holocaust," Oron said.

The Tel-Aviv born, Oron served as secretary of the Hashomer Hatzair movement from 1968-1971, and as later secretary of the movement's leadership. He was a founding member of the Peace Now movement. From 1994-1995 he was treasurer of the Histadrut.

A Member of Knesset since 1988, he introduced a draft resolution in 2009 on recognition of the Armenian Genocide, but the motion failed to gain the essential number of co-sponsors.

A Turkish news source, Today's Zaman, reported extensively on the remarks of various members of the Knesset, and that "The Turkish Foreign Ministry said the issue should not proceed any further."

Sources:

California Courier (February 18, 2010). Knesset MP says it is impossible to disregard Armenian Genocide.

Today's Zaman (April 30, 2010). Turkish-Israeli relations now face 'genocide' challenge.

GPN
Staff

[Genocide scholars and GPN readers who follow the work of Professor Yair Auron, head of the Open University of Israel Program of Genocide Studies (see report in this issue) will be interested in knowing that Yair Auron and Haim Oron are brothers. They spell their names slightly differently in English but the same in Hebrew - Ed.]
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Wednesday, October 27, 2010

Dr. Israel Charny Condemns Denial of Armenian Genocide in British Parliament

"Harut Sassounian's Column"

In an earlier column I wrote about the special conference held at the British Parliament on May 7, 2000 organized by the British-Armenian All-Party Parliamentary Group. Dr. Israel Charny and I were invited as guest speakers. I spoke about "The Armenian Genocide and Quest for Justice." Dr. Charny could not attend due to illness, however, his prepared remarks were read by Peter Barker, a former broadcaster of BBC Radio.

Dr. Charny is an internationally-known authority on the Holocaust and the Armenian Genocide. He is the Executive Director of the Jerusalem-based Institute on the Holocaust and Genocide, past President of International Association of Genocide Scholars, Editor-in-Chief of Encyclopedia of Genocide, and author of several scholarly books. Dr. Charny’s lengthy paper was titled: "Confronting denials of the Armenian Genocide is not only honoring history, but a crucial policy position for confronting threats in our contemporary world."

In his remarks presented at the British Parliament, Dr. Charny described the conference on the Armenian Genocide he attended two years ago in Istanbul. He found "the prevailing discourse stilted, blocked and rigid with denials." The overwhelming majority of the statements were "one-sided rehashes of Turkish denial propaganda; a basic intellectual failure since they did not even mention or refer to or in any way acknowledge any of the voluminous documentation and evidences of the Armenian Genocide that are now part of world culture; and a great number were emotional diatribes rather than ‘scientific’ or properly scholarly contributions."

In his paper, Charny singled out the presentation at the Istanbul conference of Prof. Yair Auron, his colleague from Israel, who spoke "in a strong resonant voice that there was no question but that the Armenians had suffered genocide at the hands of the Turks."

In his London remarks, Dr. Charny’s also discussed the "failure of the State of Israel, but not of Israelis, to recognize the Armenian Genocide," expressing his "deep regret and shame" that Israel (where he lives) and the United States (where he was born), "have failed seriously in their moral responsibility towards the Armenian people." He felt "particularly wounded as well as angry at such failures by my Jewish people when we too have known the worst horrors of being victims of a major genocide, and therefore we should be all the more at your side as deeply committed allies in all aspects of preserving and honoring the record of the Armenian Genocide."

Dr. Charny announced "the happy news [that] the battle for recognition and genuine respect for the memory of the Armenian Genocide [was won] on the level of everyday Israeli culture.” In great detail, he explained that “throughout the year there are major statements in our culture about the Armenian Genocide, including many full-length feature stories and interviews in all of our major newspapers and on our television. On April 24, there is powerful coverage, for example, this year on Roim Olam or Seeing the World, a major TV news magazine; there is an annual seminar at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem at which this year the keynote speaker was Prof. James Russell of Harvard University, and it was my honor to be the keynoter the year before together with an influential member of the Knesset who was totally knowledgeable about the Genocide and totally clear about Israel’s error in not recognizing it; and there is of course an annual commemoration by the Armenian Community -- it was there that the two ministers in the past announced their recognition of the Armenian genocide. During a too-brief period, we also had two ministers of the Israeli government who officially recognized the Genocide, and although the governments in question promptly disavowed these ministers’ statements as private and not speaking for the country, the records of those ministers honoring the Armenian Genocide on behalf of the State of Israel cannot be erased. I would say that both the everyday Israeli man on the street and the professional scholars of the Holocaust, such as Prof. Yehuda Bauer perhaps the ranking scholar of the Holocaust at Yad Vashem, are basically sympathetic and committed to paying homage to the Armenian Genocide. A few years ago four of us, including one of the above former ministers, Yossi Sarid, Prof. Bauer, Prof. Yair Auron, an indefatigable scholar of the Armenian Genocide and of Israel’s denials of same, and myself traveled together to Yerevan to lay a wreath at the Armenian Genocide Memorial."

As he has done many times in the past, Dr. Charny expressed regret that "sadly and shamefully the pull of practical government politics still leads to official Israel cooperating with Turkey in gross denials of the Armenian Genocide. No less than the arch fighter for peace in the Israel-Palestinian conflict, Shimon Peres, now President of Israel, then serving as Israel’s Foreign Minister, twice went notably out of his way to insult the history and memory of the Armenian Genocide."

In a scathing letter, Dr. Charny told Peres in 2001: "You have gone beyond a moral boundary that no Jew should allow himself to trespass…. As a Jew and an Israeli, I am ashamed of the extent to which you have now entered into the range of actual denial of the Armenian Genocide, comparable to denials of the Holocaust."

In response to a second "especially insulting” denial by Shimon Peres in 2002, Dr. Charny sent him one of my columns from The California Courier, with the following note: "I am enclosing with great concern for your attention an editorial in a leading US-Armenian newspaper calling on Armenia to expel the Israeli Ambassador. For your further information, the author of this editorial, who is the head of the United Armenian Fund in the US -- comparable to our United Jewish Appeal -- was for many years a delegate to the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva."

Dr. Charny concluded his London remarks: "I am happy to emphasize that the people and the culture [in Israel] very strongly recognize and honor the [Armenian] Genocide, and know how serious and important it is for us and the whole world." He expressed his sincere hope that "some day we will succeed in changing the official Israeli government position."

Reprinted with permission of the California Courier, July 6, 2009
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Confronting Denials of the Armenian Genocide


Confronting Denials of the Armenian Genocide is Not Only Honoring History, but a Crucial Policy Position for Confronting Threats in Our Contemporary World

Israel W. Charny
Executive Director, Institute on the Holocaust and Genocide, Jerusalem; Editor-in-Chief, Encyclopedia of Genocide; Immediate Past President, International Association of Genocide Scholars

We convene during the Spring of each year in many venues around the world to commemorate the Armenian Genocide, whose beginning we mark as April 24,1915 when hundreds of leaders of the Armenian people were rounded up by the Otttoman Turks in most cases soon to be executed. This, like the full genocide that follows, against more than a million Armenians as well as to many other non-Turks, especially other Christians like the Armenians –the Assyrians and Greeks, and also to a non-Turkish people, the Yzedis, constitutes a major event of world history that we dare not forget or trivialize.

I shall speak today about several aspects of confronting denials of the Armenian Genocide, beginning with meanings that are properly close to the hearts of the Armenian people, but then extending our understanding of the meanings of denials as impacting on all peoples everywhere in our contemporary world and not only as regards honoring the past. Recognition of the Armenian Genocide, and every known genocide, is a matter of standing for life against the forces of death-making that did not end in 1915 and still abound in our world.

The real goals for all our peoples in our contemporary world must be to reduce the extent of human murders of masses of unarmed fellow human beings of whatever religion, race, nationality, political persuasion or any other identifying characteristic that the human mind knows all too well how to create as a sign that some other people are less than human (dehumanization), yet are said to threaten our very existence (projected attribution of danger to one’s survival), and therefore must be eliminated. The commemoration of the Armenian genocide is not ‘simply’ a memo re past history, it is a living reminder of many dangers that, tragically and maddeningly, continue in our present world. The commemoration of the Armenian genocide is not a holiday event, it is the serious business of humanity fighting for human life.

The four aspects of denials of the Armenian Genocide which I will treat are as follows:

I. DENIAL OF GENOCIDE IS NOT ONLY A POLITICAL TACTIC, IT IS AN ATTACK ON DECENT PEOPLES' MINDS AND EMOTIONS AND A THREAT TO CELEBRATE AND RENEW GENOCIDE

II. TURKEY TODAY IS A STUDY OF A BITTER STRUGGLE TO GIVE UP DENIALS OF THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE WHOSE OUTCOME IS AS YET UNKNOWN

III. THE OVERALL FAILURE OF THE STATE OF ISRAEL BUT NOT OF ISRAELIS TO RECOGNIZE THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE

IV. CONFRONTATION OF DENIALS OF THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE ARE ALSO CONFRONTATIONS OF CONTEMPORARY JIHAD AND THE TRANSNATIONAL GENOCIDAL TERROR THAT THREATENS THE WORLD

******

V. DENIAL OF GENOCIDE IS NOT ONLY A POLITICAL TACTIC, IT IS AN ATTACK ON DECENT PEOPLES' MINDS AND EMOTIONS AND A THREAT TO CELEBRATE AND RENEW GENOCIDE

The denial of a people’s genocide is, obviously, a slap in the face, a ringing insult to the memory, sensibility, and historical pride of the victim people. In other words, denials have psychological agendas as well as political ones.

In fact, the meaning of the insults goes far beyond an attack on the victim people, for they are also resounding announcements of a continued and renewed ethno-nationalist bigotry, and possibly even a call for justifying and allowing renewed genocidal terror, beginning with the known victim people in the past history of the case of genocide being addressed, but also extending to the new victims who are already on the stage of contemporary history. For denials of genocides, like genocide itself, is a contagious disease of the Mind of society. In other words, our obligation to fight denials is not only for the immediate victim people and their history—justification enough, but for all of our civilization and our still inept battle to stop mass killing of any and all peoples.

The following are some of the meta-meanings we identify in denials of a given genocide such as the Armenian Genocide, beginning quite naturally with the offensive attacks, mocking, and continuing hatred of the victim people, and then extending to the further meanings of denials meanings as celebrations and calls to renewed violence against whichever victim peoples in a world that has not stopped mass killing.

DENIAL OF A KNOWN GENOCIDE IS HUMILIATION, MOCKING OF THE FEELINGS, SENSIBILITY, MEMORIAL AND ATTACHMENT OF THE SURVIVORS

To seek to erase agonizing vivid memories and pictures from the eyes and minds of millions of survivors, descendants of survivors and relatives is to mock the sensibilities, memorial needs, and personal attachments – in a sense once again to victimize the victims

DENIAL OF A KNOWN GENOCIDE IS AN ATTACK ON THE COLLECTIVE IDENTITY, PEOPLEHOOD, AND NATIONAL AND CULTURAL CONTINUITY OF THE VICTIM PEOPLE

To deny a cataclysmic holocaust in a people’s history is to seek to abort the re-grouping and re-creation of that people’s historical process, national and cultural continuity.

DENIAL OF A KNOWN GENOCIDE IS A CELEBRATION OF THE DESTRUCTION OF THE KNOWN VICTIMS, AND A CELEBRATION OF FURTHER DESTRUCTIVENESS IN THE FUTURE

To deny the countless deaths of a known event of genocide is to celebrate the deaths of those same victims, and to intimate cynically that the doctrine of power which brought about their destruction is still in force – to be used when opportunity permits.

‘KILLING’ THE RECORD OF A KNOWN EVENT OF GENOCIDE IS ALSO TO ‘MURDER’ TRUTH AND RECORDED HUMAN HISTORY

To ‘kill’ the record of human history and the ability of men to differentiate between known and unknown is to write a final chapter to mass murder by ‘murdering’ truth, reality, and human memory and history.

VI. TURKEY TODAY IS A STUDY OF A BITTER STRUGGLE TO GIVE UP DENIALS OF THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE WHOSE OUTCOME IS AS YET UNKNOWN

I want to share with you now my observations of the struggle for change that is taking place in Turkey these years.

Clearly murder—the case of the late Hrant Dink – is still afoot; clearly, people are being taken to trial and imprisoned for violating the infamous Article 301 of “insulting Turkishness”; clearly the nonsense of denials of the Armenian Genocide continues to pour out of official and prestigious unofficial sources in Turkish society; and clearly Turkish diplomats and a sterling crew of lobbyists, including well known and well placed former American legislators, are busy all over the world spewing forth a balanced strategy of bizarre denials—everything on the record of the Armenian Genocide including Turkish state records and British historians are designated as “forgeries”; nasty threats – such as to pull out of NATO and/or not give air space to US planes heading for Iraq or not give water to Israel; and seductive enticements that all is about to be settled between good old Armenian and Turkey so tsk, tsk now is not the time to insult Turkish sensibilities.

On the other hand, clearly a major corrective counter process is also raising its head. It began perhaps with a number of outstanding Turkish intellectuals who had taken up residence in the USA acknowledging the Armenian Genocide and indeed added significantly to our historical knowledge; but slowly but surely was also abetted by a few courageous Turkish intellectuals who continued to live in Turkey but dared to make statements acknowledging the genocide when they were outside Turkey, such as in a conference in Venice I attended a few years ago – although in some cases pleading with us to avoid the explicit use of the word genocide at this stage; and now has continued with an unprecedented manifesto by a large number of Turkish intellectuals in Turkey even apologizing for the genocide! In fact, following the petition, more than 13,000 people, mostly Turks, signed an online petition signing on to the apology for the World War I massacres of Armenians by the Ottoman army. Again this petition too stopped short of using the word genocide. But the petition, entitled 'I apologise', reads:

"My conscience does not accept the insensitivity showed to and the denial of the Great Catastrophe that the Ottoman Armenians were subjected to in 1915. I reject this injustice and for my share, I empathise with the feelings and pain of my Armenian brothers. I apologise to them."

Needless to say, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan said the initiative made no sense. "The Turkish Republic has no such problem. They [the intellectuals] must have committed genocide because they are apologising," Erdogan stated almost with a standup comic quality were the issue not so serious.

Still remember also how thousands of Turks rallied after Hrant Dink’s murder and chanted, “We are all Hrant Dink.” And slowly but surely there are academic and professional meetings convening in Turkey and breakthroughs in the Turkish media that are telling the truth of the Armenian Genocide as never before. I would say that something big is happening in Turkey, or perhaps more correctly that something big is trying to happen in Turkey. So that there are contradictory alternations between progress towards telling the truth and vicious reversions to 301 and to a know-nothingness of denials of reality and to bare knuckle threats against other people and governments. These are dangerous yet also promising times.

Two years ago I was invited to a conference at Istanbul University on Armenian-Turkish relations. What was my personal experience like? Participation at the Istanbul Conference was for me a difficult "ride" between relief at not being harassed either by legal officials or by the public, great pleasure at what I have described of the unheard-of progress of our very presence and in our contributions being heard in Turkey, and distinct sadness, discomfort and anger at the shallowness and intellectual as well as ethnic bigotry of so many presentations.

I have never been treated to so many different looks going through me as if I were a piece of glass. I found the prevailing discourse so stilted, blocked and rigid with denials that I literally decided not to hand out publicly flyers I had brought for the Encyclopedia of Genocide -- which presents a great deal of information about the Armenian Genocide, or membership forms for our International Association of Genocide Scholars (IAGS) -- which in the past has issued a unanimous resolution confirming the authenticity of the Armenian Genocide (but I did give these materials to selected individuals who were a pleasure to meet).

I met the two kinds of deniers about which I have written so much in the professional literature on denial. The first group of deniers are those whose use of denial is a patent expression of their hatred, prejudice and bigotry. They are fascists who celebrate violence and want more of it. The second are what I have dared to call in the literature in several extensive papers "innocent deniers," and these include people whose conscious intentions and even much of their unconscious intentions make them spokesmen and advocates of peace between peoples. I hated the former, and liked several of the latter – even as I disciplined myself against letting the liking seduce me away from the dangerously wrong position these people take.

I was not harassed or under legal risk. When I first received my invitation from Istanbul University, I had written promptly to say, "As you undoubtedly knew when you invited me…I am as I have been for many years very convinced of the historical authenticity of the Armenian Genocide," and indeed the organizers remained true to the response which they sent in which they said that Istanbul University is an academic institution and there are no limitations on expression of views.

My overall sense of the conference is that it was a Turkish government message to the Armenian people, the rest of the free world and especially the European Union which Turkey so desires to join, that they are prepared to initiate a corrective cultural process which could, slowly but surely, lead to acknowledgment of the genocidal killings of the Armenians.

Yet this does not mean that such a process will take place overnight, nor are there guarantees that the process will go as far and as clearly as most of us in the West would wish. Nor was the corrective process done elegantly at this conference. The overwhelming majority of papers and statements in my judgment were (a) one-sided rehashes of Turkish denial propaganda; (b) a basic intellectual failure since they did not even mention or refer to or in any way acknowledge any of the voluminous documentation and evidences of the Armenian Genocide that are now part of world culture; and (c) a great number were emotional diatribes rather than "scientific" or properly scholarly contributions.

Nonetheless, this was a conference in Turkey where my dear colleague from Israel, Professor Yair Auron, opened the conference with the first paper in which he stated in a strong resonant voice that there was no question but that the Armenians had suffered genocide at the hands of the Turks; where intrepid Armenian researcher Ara Sarafian who is based in London did the same on another day; where Yair Auron's remarks were featured prominently and amazingly accurately in the English language and Turkish language press the next day -- in Turkey!; and where Sarafian was invited to an extensive television appearance on a very popular show in prime Turkish television time!

It was striking to me that when Yair Auron concluded his sterling confirmation of the Armenian Genocide, I did not see a single participating scholar or diplomat in the ranks of the participants who were sitting up front next to the stage clapping for Auron, not even a token clapping which would acknowledge his right to speak as he did. It was eerie. There was a small ripple of mild applause from a few rows in the back of the hall. And yet, as I have emphasized, Auron did get to say what he said and was quoted accurately and prominently in several Turkish newspapers. I think we should be grateful for these large small miracles.

I would not be carried away with anger at the shoddy and bigoted presentations that dominated the conference and miss expressing the appreciation and respect that the conference took place at all. I came away from the conference believing that exchanges directly between Turks and Armenians are valuable insofar as they expose people to one another as people and by dispelling the totalitarian Turkish censorship and criminalization of studies about the Armenian Genocide. But I propose that the next steps of progress might best be created by international commissions or conferences sponsored and led by outstanding cultural-academic authorities from other countries, which of course include Turks and Armenians but are under the leadership of scholars from other nationalities, where all presentations are pre-evaluated by an outside panel of "scholar-judges" who would preside as experts with the right to remove any statements that are in open violation of established statements of world history, are racist or prejudiced, or are legitimating or inciting of violences.

Intriguingly the conference also proceeded to produce a written record. I was torn about including my paper in this record and finally stipulated that it could be [printed only if the following demurrer were prominetly displayd as the opening page of my article. To my amazement when I received the book a few months ago it was all there word for word as follows:

A Casebook of Denials of Doing Harm to Others and Rewards to People and Nations Who Overcome Denial
The following introductory note MUST appear with any publication of this article along with other papers presented at the conference at Istanbul University:

DISCLAIMER: The author agreed to participate in the conference at Istanbul University as a welcome new initiative by an established Turkish academic institution -- and to all appearances the Turkish government as well -- to invite and allow explicit references to the Armenian Genocide, which even in recent months has been the basis for criminal prosecution of any number of Turkish citizens. By agreeing to publication of the present paper in the Proceedings of the conference, the author is aware that he is necessarily agreeing to publication of this paper alongside of any number of gross denials of the history of the Armenian Genocide (as well as other non-Turkish peoples) committed by the Ottoman Empire. Publication of this paper by Istanbul University alongside of denials of the Armenian Genocide in no way is to be taken as the author's approval or agreement of such denials, but as a willingness to open new windows in Turkish society towards learning about the western world's established history of the Armenian Genocide. -Israel W. Charny

The conference was also an edifying experience that I felt helped me to finally put a finger on a key component of the Turks’ need to deny the Armenian Genocide, and that is humiliation. This is a people that does not like to acknowledge weakness or failing. The culture does not yet link between an ability to face one’s shortcomings and possible growth and development. WeakNess is shame, error is humiliating. I found moreover that there was a deep ambivalence in the Turkish collective experience about whether their people, sitting on a geographic tilting point between civilizations, could constitute a modern Moslem and democratic community that could truly take a place alongside of and as part of western European life, or whether it was to be a major player in the pan-Moslem world with all of its ideological rigidities and downright backwardness.

My bottom line judgment, and certainly hope, is that the Turkish cultural process will arrive at an acknowledgment of the genocide of the Armenians in the course of the next 15 years as Turkey moves closer and closer to its deep desire to be part of the European Union. I even understand that Turkish culture cannot do it all at once on its own. I came away impressed that the Turks have a very strong desire to come out of their marginal kind of status of being neither 'full' Europeans nor a part of the fundamentalist Islamic world. I think this is the doorway through which real though not perfect progress can be made, and I recommend that we redefine ourselves as helping Turkey make this step.

VII. THE OVERALL FAILURE OF THE STATE OF ISRAEL BUT NOT OF ISRAELIS TO RECOGNIZE THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE: Israel is a people that recognizes and cares about the Armenian Genocide with a government that wrongly plays realpolitik hardball

To my deep regret and shame, much too often both great democracies of which I have the privilege of being a citizen (Israel where I live, and the United States where I was born) have failed seriously in their moral responsibility towards the Armenian people.

I am particularly wounded as well as angry at such failures by my Jewish people when we too have known the worst horrors of being victims of a major genocide, and therefore we should be all the more at your sides as deeply committed allies in all aspects of preserving and honoring the record of the Armenian Genocide.

Yet I bring you the happy news that we have won the battle for recognition and genuine respect for the memory of the Armenian Genocide on the level of everyday Israeli culture. Throughout the year there are major statements in our culture about the Armenian Genocide, including many full-length feature stories and interviews in all of our major newspapers and on our television. On April 24 there is powerful coverage, for example, this year on Roim Olam or Seeing the World, a major TV news magazine; there is an annual seminar at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem at which this year the keynote speaker was Prof. James Russell of Harvard University, and it was my honor to be the keynoter the year before together with an influential member of the Knesset who was totally knowledgable about the Genocide and totally clear about Israel’s error in not recognizing it; and there is of course an annual commemoration by the Armenian Community – it was there that the two ministers in the past announced their recognition of the Armenian genocide. During a too-brief period, we also had two ministers of the Israeli government who officially recognized the Genocide, and although the governments in question promptly disavowed these ministers’ statements as private and not speaking for the country, the records of those ministers honoring the Armenian Genocide on behalf of the State of Israel cannot be erased. I would say that both the everyday Israeli man on the street and the professional scholars of the Holocaust, such as Prof. Yehuda Bauer perhaps the ranking scholar of the Holocaust at Yad Vashem, are basically sympathetic and committed to paying homage to the Armenian Genocide. A few years ago four of us, including one of the above former ministers, Yossi Sarid, Prof. Bauer, Prof. Yair Auron, an indefatigable scholar of the Armenian Genocide and of Israel’s denials of same, and myself traveled together to Yerevan to lay a wreath at the Armenian Genocide Memorial.

Nonetheless, as you know, sadly and shamefully the pull of practical government politics still leads to official Israel cooperating with Turkey in gross denials of the Armenian Genocide. No less than the arch fighter for peace in the Israel-Palestinian conflict, Shimon Peres, now President of Israel, then serving as Israel’s Foreign Minister, twice went notably out of his way to insult the history and memory of the Armenian Genocide.

The first time was in an interview in the Turkish Daily News on 10 April 2001. The second time was in February 2002 when Peres insultingly backed up the Israeli Ambassador to Armenia, who was subordinate to him as Foreign Minister, for her denials that the Genocide was in any way a full-blown event of genocide that was in the same category of events as the Holocaust of the Jewish people.

This is what I wrote Peres on the first occasion in 2001:

April 11, 2001
The Honorable Shimon Peres, Foreign Minister
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, State of Israel
Jerusalem, Israel
Re: Report in Turkish Daily News, Ankara, 10 April 2001

Dear Mr. Peres:

I offer you my deepest respects for your enormous contributions to the security and development of Israel, and to peace. Nonetheless, it is my privilege since many years ago not to agree with your position regarding the Armenian Genocide. It seems that because of your wishes to advance very important relations with Turkey, you have been prepared to circumvent the subject of the Armenian Genocide in 1915-1920. (Thus, you advised me in a telephone conversation in 1982 not to insist on including the subject of the Armenians in the First International Conference on the Holocaust and Genocide that we convened in Tel-Aviv, and I then made the decision not to give in to pressures of the Foreign Ministry to cancel the lectures on the Armenian genocide or to cancel the entire conference.)

It seems to me according to yesterday’s report in the Ankara newspaper that you have gone beyond a moral boundary that no Jew should allow himself to trespass. You are quoted as follows: “We reject attempts to create a similarity between the Holocaust and the Armenian allegations. Nothing similar to the Holocaust occurred. It is a tragedy what the Armenians went through but not a genocide.”

For the record, in 1999, at a Conference on the Holocaust in Philadelphia, a large number of researchers of the Holocaust, including Israeli historians, signed a public declaration that the Armenian Genocide was factual.

Also for the record, in 1996 at the meeting of the Association of Genocide Scholars, the Association as a whole officially voted a resolution that the Armenians had been subject to full-scale genocide.

Even as I disagree with you, it may be that in your broad perspective of the needs of the State of Israel it is your obligation to circumvent and desist from bringing up the subject with Turkey, but as a Jew and an Israeli I am ashamed of the extent to which you have now entered into the range of actual denial of the Armenian Genocide, comparable to denials of the Holocaust.

Respectfully,
Prof. Israel W. Charny
Executive Director, Institute on the Holocaust and Genocide, Jerusalem
Editor-in-Chief, Encyclopedia of Genocide

It will be of interest also that my second letter to Shimon Peres in response to what I thought was an especially insulting form of denial in 2002 included an editorial from the California Courier by Harut Sassounian, who also speaks to you today, about whom I said as follows:

I am enclosing with great concern for your attention an editorial in a leading US-Armenian newspaper calling on Armenia to expel the Israeli Ambassador. For your further information, the author of this editorial, who is the head of the Armenian United Fund in the US -- comparable to our United Jewish Appeal -- was for many years a delegate to the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva.


To conclude about Israel’s recognition of the Armenian Genocide, I am again happy to emphasize that the people and the culture very strongly recognize and honor the Genocide, and know how serious and important is for us and the whole world, .and to express the hope that some day we will succeed in changing the official Israeli government position.

VIII. CONFRONTATION OF DENIALS OF THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE ARE ALSO CONFRONTATIONS OF CONTEMPORARY JIHAD AND THE TRANSNATIONAL GENOCIDAL TERROR THAT THREATENS THE WORLD

I would like you now to consider the following several Calls to Jihad, and as you take them in to think to yourself to which period and event of history you would assign them.

1. Here is the first:
A “Jihad” Appeal to Moslems
TRANSLATION OF A RECENT CALL DISTRIBUTED TO THE MILLIONS OF ISLAM

Kill them!

God will punish them in your hand and put them to shame; and ye will overcome them. He will rejoice the hearts of believers, and take away the wrath from the hearts of unbelievers.” (Text of the Koran.)

Islam is being torn down stone by stone. You have become slaves of the people of the Cross.

Behold! God has bestowed upon you a greater favor. The tears of the faithful for centuries past are bearing fruit. Your enemies are trembling under your hand. Attack them from every side. Whenever you meet them, kill them. Quicken the failing proclamation of the Unity by the fire of your rifles and cannon, and by the blows of your swords and knives. Cause the minarets and mountains and wilderness to to resound once more with the cry, “Allah! Allah.”

Jihad! Jihad! Oh, Moslems, blow the trumpet everywhere, of people of the Unity. The great God is ordering you to fight with your foes everywhere. God will put them to shame in your hands; He will give you the victory; He will quench the fire of their fate. Do no forget. God has purchased the souls and the property of the faithful. In exchange He give you the houris and damsels of heaven.

2. Now the second:

There is no point to the life of anyone who will not convert to Islam

Sheik Nazim Abu Salim is certain the day is near when Islam will defeat its opponents. According to him, there is no point to the life of anyone who will not convert to Islam.

3-4. Now a third and fourth:
There is no God but Allah

I bear witness that there is no God but Allah and that Mohammad is his messenger. There is ___(name of victim)___ hit by God in one of its softest spots. Thank God for that. When God blessed one of the groups of Islam, vanguards of Islam, they destroyed ____(name of victim)____. I pray to God to elevate their status and bless them.

These events have divided the whole world into two sides. The side of believers and the side of infidels, may God keep you away from them. Every Muslim has to rush to make his religion victorious. The winds of faith have come. The winds of change have come to eradicate oppression from the island of Mohammad, peace be upon him.
To (name of victim people), I say only a few words to it and its people. God is great, may pride be with Islam. May peace and God's mercy be upon you.

Jihad today is a religious duty of every Muslim

Peace be upon Mohammad our prophet and those who follow him. Jihad today is a religious duty of every Muslim if they haven't got an excuse. God says fight, for the sake of God and to uphold the name of God. Every Muslim has to play his real and true role to uphold his religion and his nation in fighting, and jihad is a duty.

There are thousands of young people who are as keen about death as (non-Moslems) are about life. I thank God for allowing us to start this jihad. This battle is a decisive battle between faithlessness and faith. And I ask God to give us victory in the face of our enemy and return them defeated.

5. And now a fifth call to jihad:
After the Second World War, by exploiting the holocaust and under the pretext of protecting the Jews they made a nation homeless with military expeditions and invasion. They transferred various groups of people from America, Europe and other countries to this land. They established a completely racist government in the occupied Palestinian territories. And in fact, under the pretext of making up for damages resulting from racism in Europe, they established the most aggressive, racist country in another territory.

Dear friends, today the human society is facing a kind of racism which has an ugliness that has completely distorted the honour of mankind at the verge of the third millennium and it has made the global society shameful. The global Zionism is the complete symbol of racism.

Cultural movements on their own are not sufficient to fight this evil phenomenon. We should try to put an end to the misuse of international means by the Zionists and their supporters. And by respecting nations' demands, we should motivate the united governments to eliminate this clear racism.

Do you have trouble understanding the language? There are times when jihadists too speak in elliptical and allegorical terms, but it shouldn’t be too hard to know what they mean. If you are having doubts about the last quotation, the same source said explicitly on another occasion, “The Jews should know that they are nearing the last days of their lives...Israel must be wiped off the face of the map.” Clear enough.

So, how many do you think you got right as to their time in history?

Yes, the first Call to Jihad – opening with the chilling words, “Kill them!” is from the era of the Armenian Genocide, reprinted specifically from The Missionary, Review of the World in July 1915. Do you have any question as to the significance of this kind of statement in enabling, bringing about and justifying the terrible genocide of the Armenian and other non-Moslem peoples by the Ottoman Turks in what we know was the Armenian Genocide? With all that you know would you minimize, trivialize, explain away, reinterpret, or wink at these words? The second statement that there is no point to life for anyone who is not a believer is from a Sheik in Nazareth, Israel, speaking in September 2001 after 9/11.

The next statement is from no less than Osama bin Laden, and the victim people to whom he refers are the American people. (Excerpts from text of Osama bin Laden's Statement, October 7, 2001, by the Associated Press). Similarly, the BBC reported that the Taliban’s Supreme Leader, Mullah Mohammed Omar, warned in a BBC interview of a plan to destroy the United States.

“If God’s help is with us, this will happen within a short period of time—keep in mind this prediction.”

Asked if this meant the possible use of nuclear, chemical or biological arms, Mullah Omar said it was not a matter of weapons.

“The real matter is the extinction of America, and, God willing, it will fall to the ground.”

The fourth statement is by the leader of a UN member state, Ahmadinejad, on April 21, 2009, speaking no less than to an international meeting sponsored by the United Nations at what we know as the Durban II Conference. Speaking in this forum, Ahmadinejad avoided the direct calls for the destruction of Israel which he has been stating promiscuously for years. It is reported that on his way back from Durban to Iran he redoubled these explicit calls. And there is a plethora of other openly murderous statements by this man, and his fellow leaders, and one should also note along with a state-level devotion to open denials of the historical validity of the Holocaust.

Yes, all over our world today the calls to jihad are endless. An influential Egyptian Moslem leader, Sheik Youself Al_Quaradawi, about whom one of my editors of a book I wrote on suicide bombing some years ago -- a lovely liberal Jewish woman -- had insisted that I tone down my supposedly anticlerical and anti-Moslem statements says, “Allah, take this oppressive Jewish, Zionist band of people and kill them, down to the very last one.”

This was an oath found in a house in Kabul used by a Pakistani Islamist group:

I, Amir Maawia Sididiqi, son of Abdul Siddiqi, state in the presence ofGod that I will slaughter infidels my entire life. And with the will of God, I will do these killing in the supervision and guidance with Harkat ul Ansar. May God give me strength in fulfilling this oath.

A Sheik in Gaza City said:

Have no mercy on the Jews, no matter where they are, in any country. Fight them, wherever you are. Wherever you meet them, kill them. Wherever you are, kill those Jews and Americans who are like them – and those who stand by them.

Alan Cowell reported in the New York Times from London in 2006:
A prosecutor told a London court on Monday that Dhiren Barot, the most senior Qaeda operative known to have been captured in Britain, had plotted "a memorable black day for the enemies of Islam" by killing "hundreds if not thousands of innocent people" in Britain and the United States. Barot, 34, who converted to Islam from Hinduism, was said to have worked on plans to use a radioactive dirty bomb and limousines jammed with gas canisters meant to explode in underground parking garages. The potential targets included the New York Stock Exchange, the headquarters of the International Monetary Fund in Washington and, in London, a subway train as it traveled under the Thames.

Another report by Alan Cowell in the New York Times was in connection with the London bombings on July 7, 2005:
On the day before the first anniversary of the London bombings, Al Jazeera television showed a video that appeared to be a last testament recorded in advance by one of the four attackers warning that, "What you have witnessed now is only the beginning." The tape also showed what seemed to be a terrorist training site and a map of London with areas circled as potential targets.

Speaking on the video in the accent of his native Yorkshire, Mr. Shehzad Tanweer said, "What you have witnessed now is only the beginning of a string of attacks that will continue and become stronger.”

To conclude, all of the above are cut from the same cloth of race and people hatred, ethno-religious-nationalist superiority, a quest for power over others if not the whole world, joy and legitimacy in murder of as many human beings as possible. The same is true in Armenia-Turkey, Iran, Israel, Afghanistan-Pakistan, the USA, Great Britain and, terrifyingly, many more places in the world we live in. This is what the Armenian Genocide, like the Holocaust, like the Cambodian Genocide, like Mao’s and Stalin’s murdering of millions of their countrymen and every case of genocide means.

To really commemorate the Armenian Genocide, we ALL have our work cut out for us.

Presented at the British Parliament on May 7 2009 to the British-Armenian All-Party Parliamentary Group at a seminar, "The Armenian Genocide and Quest for Justice."
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